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Monday, February 9, 2015


This study was aimed to assess the concentration of metals (Hg, Cr, Zn Cd and Pb) in water, sediment, and S. corymbosus macrophyte plant samples collected from six different sites (S1 to S6) of Lake Hawassa. The results revealed that there was significant difference (p<0.05) in metals concentration among different sampling sites as well as within the site. Generally, significantly higher values (p<0.05) of metals concentration were recorded at sites S2, S4 and S5, which received industrial effluents, urban wastes and agrochemicals respectively. and were the most contaminated sites. The concentration of metals both in sediment and macrophyte plant followed similar pattern, viz., Zn>Cr>Pb>Cd>Hg, while the concentration of metals in water followed the order of Zn>Pb>Cr>Cd>Hg. High to very high correlations were recorded within some metal pairs and with some physico-chemical parameters. - Although metals concentration in water and sediment of the lake are generally in non-polluted to moderately polluted range according to international standards based on numerical sediment quality guidelines (SQGs), almost all values at different sampling sites along the shoreline are much higher than the reference site as well as the background metals concentration of the lake. This is a clear indication that Lake Hawassa is exposed to different pollutants from all directions and the problem can easily go out of hand unless a special attention to be properly monitored for better protection of the lake and the surrounding catchment areas is given. as different human activities are increasing around the lake. Therefore, strategies to control point and non-point sources of all over the shorelines should be developed for better protection of the lake as well as the surrounding catchment areas.

ለተጨማሪ ንባብ፦ Journal of Environmental & Analytical Toxicology

Vitamin-A deficiency is a major public health problem in developing countries including Ethiopia. Promoting consumption of locally available vitamin -A rich foods that can be grown in home gardens can reduce the problem of vitamin- A deficiency. The main objective of this study was to determine nutritional, microbial and sensory properties of flat-bread prepared from maize (Zea mays L.) and orange-fleshed sweet potato (Ipomoea batatasL.) flour blends. Flat-bread was developed with different proportion of orange-fleshed sweet potato to maize flour: 25%:75%, 30%:70%, 35%:65% and 0%:100% (control). The proximate analysis of flat-bread and flour was done. The total bacterial and mold/yeast count was conducted in Hawassa University and the sensory acceptability of flat-bread was carried out by mothers and children pairs using five point hedonic scales and preference test was done by children. Based on proximate analysis result the orange-fleshed sweet potato incorporated flat-bread samples were found to be rich in β- carotene and fulfill 61.63 to 86% of the recommended dietary allowance of pre-school children. The total coliform, mold and yeast counts showed that all of the orange-fleshed sweet potato incorporated flat-bread samples were microbiologically acceptable. The sensory acceptability result showed that orange-fleshed sweet potato incorporated maize flat-bread were liked/accepted in all sensory attributes by mothers/caregivers of pre-school children.
Keywords: Pre-School children, Vitamin-A, Maize-Flat bread, Proximate, Microbial load, Sensory acceptance

WHILE ENJOYING its status as an international development darling, Ethiopia has been chipping away at its citizens’ freedom of expression. The country now holds the shameful distinction of having the second-most journalists in exile in the world, after Iran. That combination of Western subsidies and political persecution should not be sustainable.
According to a new report by Human Rights Watch, at least 60 journalists have fled the country since 2010, including 30 last year, and at least 19 have been imprisoned. Twenty-two faced criminal charges in 2014. The government closed five newspapers and a magazine within the past year, leaving Ethiopia with no independent private media outlets. With the country headed toward elections in May, the pressure on the media has undermined the prospect of a free and fair vote.
Ethiopia has long been known for its censorship and repression of the media, but the situation has deteriorated in recent years. According to theCommittee to Protect Journalists, the country has since 2009 “banned or suspended at least one critical independent publication per year.” After the death of prime minister Meles Zenawi in 2012, successor Hailemariam Desalegn has tightened the regime’s stranglehold on the press. Even Ethiopia’s rival Eritrea looks better: It released several imprisoned journalists last month.
As Human Rights Watch documents, journalists and media outlets who dare publish critical articles routinely receive threatening phone calls, texts and e-mails from party officials and security personnel. Journalists’ movements are often restricted outside of the capital, Addis Ababa. Sources who talk to foreign journalists and human rights organizations can face threats and detainment.
The repression extends across the media ecosystem. State agents harass printers and disrupt distribution processes associated with critical publications. Journalists who flee into neighboring countries are tracked and threatened. The government blocks Web sites from the Ethiopian diaspora, and it has jammed signals of foreign broadcasters, including Voice of America.
Much of the persecution has come under the guise of counterterrorism by a regime that has been a player in the fight against the al-Qaeda-allied al-Shabab. At least 38 journalists have been charged under a 2009 “anti-terrorism proclamation” and the criminal code. In 2012, prominent journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega was jailed for 18 years on charges of terrorism after criticizing the government’s repression.
Despite these policies, Ethiopia has retained its status as a U.S. ally and recipient of large amounts of U.S. development assistance — including $373 million for health and humanitarian programs in 2014. By contrast, U.S. spending on democracy and human rights assistance in Ethiopia has fallen dramatically in the past several years, from $3.4 million in 2012 to $162,900 in 2014. The decline in assistance for human rights bows to a 2009 law that prohibits nongovernmental organizations receiving more than 10 percent of their funding from abroad from conducting human rights advocacy.
The State Department recently spoke out against the media crackdown. But more than words should be at stake. The Obama administration should link continued aid to the release of imprisoned journalists and bloggers, and it should enlist other Western aid donors to do the same. The West should not be subsidizing a regime that is one of the world’s leading persecutors of journalists.
Read more at http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/crackdown-in-ethiopia/2015/02/08/ad1e6bce-abef-11e4-ad71-7b9eba0f87d6_story.html