POWr Social Media Icons

Thursday, December 4, 2014


http://www.diretube.com/walta/a-closer-look-hawassa-city-video_29dadc2b7.html

(ኤፍ.ቢ.ሲ) ኢትዮጵያ ዛሬ በታሪኳ ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ አለም አቀፍ የቦንድ ሸያጭ ገበያን ትቀላቀላለች ተብሎ እየተጠበቀ ነው።
ለሽያጭ ይቀርባል ተብሎ የሚጠበቀው የቦንድ መጠንም 1 ቢሊየን ዶላር መሆኑ ተነግሯል።
አገሪቱ ከቦንድ ሽያጩ አስቀድሞ በአገሪቱ ውስጥ ስላሉ ምቹ የኢንቨስትመንት ሁኔታዎችና በምትሸጠው ቦንድ የምታገኘውን ገንዘብም ለምን ለምን ተግባራት ልታውለው እንዳሰበች በአውሮፓና በአሜሪካ ለሚገኙ የገንዘብ አበዳሪ ባለሀብቶች ለአንድ ሳምንት የዘለቀ ገለፃ ስታደርግ ቆይታለች።
ይህን ገለፃዋንም ትናንት ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ በአሜሪካ ኒውዮርክ ከተማ ለሚገኙ ባለሀብቶች በማቅረብ ማጠናቀቋንም ፋይናንሽያል ታይምስ ዘግቧል።
በኒውዮርክ ገለፃ ላይ የተገኙት ባለሀብቶችም በአጠቃላይ ኢትዮጵያ እየተጓዘችባቸው ስላሉት ኢኮኖሚያዊ እና ፖለቲካዊ ነባራዊ ሁኔታዎች ተብራርቶላቸዋል።
እንደዘገባው ከሆነ በዛሬው ዕለት ጄ ፒ ሞርጋንና ደች ባንክ የኢትዮጵያን ቦንድ ለአለም አቀፍ አበዳሪ ባለሀብቶች ይዘው እንደሚቀርቡ ይጠበቃል።
ኢትዮጵያ የተበደረችውን ገንዘብም በ10 ዓመታት ውስጥ የምትመልስ ይሆናል።
የአለም አቀፉ የገንዘብ ተቋም አይ ኤም ኤፍ በዚህ ዓመት ኢኮኖሚያቸው በፍጥነት ይመነደጋል ብል ካስቀመጣቸው አገራት መካከል ኢትዮጵያን በስምንተኛነት አስቀምጧታል።
የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ኢኮኖሚያዊ ዕድገቱን ለማስቀጠል ያለው ቁርጠኝነትም ቦንዱን ለሚገዙ የገንዘብ አበዳሪ ባለሀብቶች አስተማማኝ እፎይታን እንደሚያጎናፅፋቸው ተገምቷል።
The international human rights system is broken – or perhaps it never worked at all.
In case after case, citizens’ human rights are violated under the national laws of their respective countries, despite the existence of international human rights commitments in the United Nations’ Universal Declaration, and by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Organization of American States, the African Commission, and others. The International Criminal Court has little say concerning any but the most egregious of international human rights violations, and member states have wide latitude to dispense justice as they see fit.
For those who live in countries that fail to provide or enforce their own laws protecting freedom of expression, international principles have rarely provided actual recourse. Today, this is the case with the independent Ethiopian blogger collective known as Zone9.
In April of this year, the government of Ethiopia arrested six members of Zone9 along with three affiliated journalists in Addis Ababa. They were held for months without a formal charge and were denied the ability to communicate. Testimony from Befeqadu Hailu, one of the accused bloggers who was smuggled out of prison in August, as well as statements in court, allege mistreatment and frequent beatings. Informally, the nine were held on accusations of “working with foreign organizations that claim to be human rights activists and…receiving finance to incite public violence through social media.” 
In July, the Zone9 prisoners were charged under Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009 for receiving support from political opposition organizations, defined formally by the government as terrorists, and receiving training from international activists in email encryption and data security from the Tactical Technology Collective, a group that helps journalists and activists protect themselves from digital surveillance.
The Zone9 bloggers joined other media outlets targeted under similar laws, including Eskinder Nega, who had reported on recent Arab uprisings and the possibility of similar uprisings taking place in Ethiopia. He was arrested and charged with the “planning, preparation, conspiracy, incitement and attempt” of terrorism and sentenced to 18 years in prison.
International appeals from human rights advocacy organizations have had little effect on the case. In May, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay issued a statement explaining,
The fight against terrorism cannot serve as an excuse to intimidate and silence journalists, bloggers, human rights activists and members of civil society organizations. And working with foreign human rights organizations cannot be considered a crime.
Additionally, seven international human rights and press freedom organizations pressed the African Commission and the United Nations in an urgent appeal to intervene in the case against Zone9. The appeal focused on the lack of clear charges and failure to allow the defendants adequate legal representation.
Nani Jansen, a lawyer for the Media Legal Defence Initiative and the lead signatory in the appeal, writes in an email that both the African Commission and the UN “operate under the cover of confidentiality in the early stages of these matters.” She continues:
When they follow up with a Government, this is done without informing the outside world. Only months and months (often over a year) later, these exchanges with a Government get published in the mechanism's report to its supervisory body.
Thus any intervention joins the rest of those in the cone of silence that is Zone9—hidden from public scrutiny or participation.
Even if these bodies do follow up with the Ethiopian government, their recourse is limited. In an article on the urgent appeal, Jansen notes that the African Commission can condemn the arrests in a resolution, that both organizations’ rapporteurs can request official visits to Ethiopia to investigate, and that Ethiopia, as a member of the UN Human Rights Council, would be obligated to honor such a request. But even should such requests be made, and investigations conducted, there is little chance of enforcement of hypothetical findings on the Ethiopian government.
Since the appeal, the Ethiopian government has proceeded with charges against the accused. The latest details on the trial can be found on the Trial Tracker Blog, a site run by people close to the defendants.
Public attempts to highlight the Ethiopian government's transgressions against human rights such as the #Freezone9bloggers social media campaign have an indirect effect. They seek to shame the Ethiopian government to ensure better treatment for the prisoners. They also seek to pressure international organizations and Ethiopia's allies such as the United States, for whom Ethiopia is a critical military and security partner. The hope is that those organizations will in turn apply political pressure on Ethiopia to free the Zone9 defendants.
The implementation of international commitments seems to rest primarily upon a negotiated process of politics, not a functioning and enforceable system of law. Considering the ease with which national law in Ethiopia is employed or ignored for political ends, it is a grim irony that only political pressure can hope to resolve the case in their favor.
Source: https://advocacy.globalvoicesonline.org/2014/12/03/ethiopias-zone9-bloggers-face-the-limits-of-international-law/
(Reuters) - Ethiopia expects coffee exports for its 2014/15 crop to hit a record high because of drought and disease stifling crops in Latin America, the head of its exporters association said on Wednesday.
An unprecedented drought early this year reduced the 2014/15 crop in the world's biggest coffee producer Brazil. The International Coffee Organization forecast in September that global coffee production will fall short of demand.
In the four months from July this year, Ethiopia - Africa's biggest producer of the bean - exported 54,000 tonnes of coffee worth $231.9 million, compared with the $172.5 million it earned from 51,000 tonnes over the same period last year.
Hussein Agraw, chairperson of the Ethiopian Coffee Exporters' Association, said he expected the amount of coffee exported to rise to 235,000 tonnes by the end of 2014/2015, generating $862 million in revenue.
Ethiopia exported around 190,000 tonnes in 2013/14, earning $841 million, he said. Exports hit a previous record high of 193,000 tonnes the year before, he said.
"We are making these expectations because of the fall in production in Brazil," he told Reuters.
"Because of this, we are expecting the international market to go up," Hussein added, referring to demand.
Total coffee production in Ethiopia amounted to 450,000 tonnes over the 2013/14 period, according to official figures. Officials expect a similar output by the end of 2014/15.

Ethiopia prides itself on being the birthplace of coffee. Some 15 million people are involved in its production, mostly in smallholder farms in the misty forested highlands in the country's west and southwest.