Nomonanoto Show

Sunday, November 9, 2014

ያሰረችው የወየበ ሻሽ ሙሉ በሙሉ ፀጉሯን አልሸፈነላትም፡፡ አቧራ የጠጣው ፀጉሯ በዚህም በዚያም አፈትልኮ ይታያል፡፡
በቦሌ ክፍለ ከተማ ወረዳ 17 አቅራቢያ ከሚገኝ የግንባታ ሳይት ላይ ያገኘናት አብነት ነጋሽ፣ ፀሐይ የጠበሰው ፊቷ ስለ ሥራዋ ፈታኝነት ብዙ ይናገራል፡፡ ምንም እንኳ ወቅቱ ሙቀት ቢሆንም አብነት በልብስ ላይ ልብስ ደራርባለች፡፡ ሱሪ፣ በሱሪ ላይ ቀሚስ፣ ሹራብ፣ አንገቷ ላይ ሻርፕ አድርጋለች፡፡ በካልሲ የተጫማችው አሮጌ ኮንጐ እንደዚያ መውጣት መውረድ ባለበትና ከፍተኛ ጥንቃቄ በሚጠይቅ የሥራ አካባቢ ምቾት የሚሰጥ አይመስልም፡፡ ምንም እንኳ ከታች እስከ ላይ እንደዚያ መልበሷ ከሥራው ጋር እንዲሄድ በማሰብ ቢሆንም፡፡ 
ሸዋ ምንጃር አካባቢ የተወለደችው የ33 ዓመቷ አብነት የምትኖረው ገርጂ አካባቢ ሲሆን ከሥራ ቦታዋ የምትገኘው ማልዳ በመነሳት በእግሯ ተጉዛ ነው፡፡ መንገዱ አንድ ሰዓት የሚወስድባት ሲሆን ዘወትር ጠዋት አንድ ሰዓት ላይ ከሥራ ገበታዋ ትገኛለች፡፡ ትራንስፖርት፣ ቁርስና አለባበስ የሚባሉ ነገሮች ለሷ ብዙ ትርጉም የሚሰጡ ነገሮች አይደሉም፡፡ ስትመለስም በተመሳሳይ መልኩ በእግሯ እያዘገመች ነው፡፡ ረዥም ሰዓት መሥራት፣ በቀላሉ ንፁህ ውኃ ማግኘት አለመቻል፣ በተወሰነ መልኩ እንኳ ተመቻችተው ልብስ የሚቀይሩበት ወይም የሚመገቡበት ቦታ አለመኖር የየዕለቱ የሥራ ላይ ፈተናዎቿ ናቸው፡፡ በቀን የሚከፈላት 35 ብር ነው፡፡ ‹‹ቀን በቀን ሁሉም ነገር እየጨመረ የሚከፈለው ምንም ማለት አይደለም፡፡ ግን ደግሞ ካልሠራን ምን እንበላለን፤›› ትላለች፡፡ 
ወርቅነህ ፈለቀ የመንገድ ሥራ ላይ በተሰማራ አንድ ኮንስትራክሽን ኩባንያ የፌራዮ ሠራተኛ ሆኖ በማገልገል ላይ ይገኛል፡፡ ምንም እንኳ ድርጅቱ በመንገድ ሥራው ላይ ከተሰማራ ከሞላ ጐደል ሁለት ዓመት ሊሆነው ቢሆንም እንደ ሔልሜት፣ ጓንትና ቱታ የመሳሰሉትንና ለሠራተኞች የሥራ ላይ ደኅንነት ወሳኝ የሆኑትን ቁሳቁስ ሳያሟላ ሠራተኞች በአነስተኛ ክፍያ ሕይወታቸውን ግን አደጋ ላይ በሚጥል ሁኔታ ውስጥ እንዲሠሩ እያደረገ መሆኑን ይናገራል፡፡ ግንበኛ፣ እንደሱ ያለ የፌራዩ ሠራተኛ በተወሰነ ደረጃ ባለሙያ በመሆኑ ከሌላው ቀን ሠራተኛ ጋር ሲነፃፀር ሻል ያለ ክፍያ የሚያገኝ ቢሆንም በአጠቃላይ ክፍያው ትንሽ ስለመሆኑ ግን ‹‹ብዙዎቻችን እዚሁ አካባቢ የምንኖር በመሆናችን የትራንስፖርት የምግብ ወጪ ስለሌለብን እንጂ ከምንሠራው ጋር ተመጣጣኝ ክፍያ እያገኘን አይደለም፤›› በማለት ለማስረዳት ይሞክራል፡፡ 
በብዙ ትግል ውስጥ አልፈው የሠራተኛ ማኅበር መመሥረት ከመቻላቸው በፊት ሠራተኞች በሥራ ላይ ምንም ዓይነት አደጋ ቢደርስባቸው ሕክምና የሚባል ነገር እንዳልነበር፣ ይልቁንም ፎርማንም ሆነ ኢንጂነር እንደፈለጉ ሠራተኞችን ያባርሩ እንደነበር ያስታውሳል፡፡ ወርቅነህ እንደገለጸልን በወቅቱ የሠራተኛ ማኅበር እንዲመሠረት ጥረት ያደረጉ ሠራተኞች ተባርረዋል፡፡ ከምሥረታ በኋላም ማኅበሩ ወደ ክስ አምርቶ ነበር፡፡ ከረዥም ጊዜ የክስ ሒደትና ጫና በኋላ ኩባንያው ለሠራተኛው የራስ መከላከያ ቆብና ቱታ የሰጠው አጠቃላይ የመንገድ ግንባታው በተገባደደበት ወቅት ላይ እንደነበር ያስታውሳል፡፡  
ርሳሽ የሰው ጉልበትን ታሳቢ በማድረግ ትልልቅ ዓለም አቀፍ ኮርፖሬሽኖች ወደ አገሪቱ እየገቡ ነው፡፡ በአገሪቱ የተለያዩ ዘርፎች ኢንቨስት ለማድረግ ፍላጎታቸውን ያሳዩም ጥቂት አይደሉም፡፡ ወደ ኮንስትራክሽን ዘርፉ ሲመጣ ደግሞ የአሠሪና ሠራተኛ ጉዳይ ማሻሻያ አዋጅ ቁጥር 494/1998 ላይ አንድ አሠሪ የሠራተኛውን ደኅነነትና ጤንነት የመጠበቅ ብሎም ከአደጋ መከላከልን የሚመለከቱ መመሪያዎችን የመከተል ግዴታ እንዳለበት በግልፅ ያስቀመጡ ቢሆንም፣ ሠራተኞች በዝቅተኛ ደመወዝን ከዚህም ሲያልፍ ደኅንነታቸው ባልተጠበቀበትና ሕይወትቸውን አደጋ ላይ በሚጥል ሁኔታ ውስጥ በመሥራት ላይ ይገኛሉ፡፡ 
በሠራተኛና ማኅበራዊ ጉዳይ ሚኒስቴር የሰላማዊ ኢንዱስትሪ ግንኙነት ዳይሬክቶሬት ዳይሬክተር አቶ ፍቃዱ ገብሩ፣ ደመወዝ በግሉ ዘርፍ አሠሪና ሠራተኛ ተነጋግረውና ተደራድረው የሚወስኑት ጉዳይ መሆኑ በሕግ የተቀመጠ መሆኑን፤ የደመወዝ መሻሻልም በተመሳሳይ መልኩ ለድርድር የተተወ መሆኑ ሊሰመርበት ይገባል ይላሉ፡፡
እሳቸው እንደሚሉት አገሪቱ የመንግሥት ጣልቃ ገብነት ባለው የኢኮኖሚ ሥርዓት የምትመራ እንደ መሆኗና የአገሪቱ ኢኮኖሚያዊ አቅም እንደሚያመላክተውም ደመወዝ መወሰን ያለበት ሙያና እውቀት ባላቸው ተፈላጊነትና የገበያ ዋጋ ነው፡፡ ነገር ግን በዚህ የአገሪቷ እውነታ ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ የተወሰነ ይሁን ቢባል የሚያስኬድ አይሆንም፡፡ ምክንያቱም ሰዎች ከዚህ በታች በሆነ ክፍያ አይቀጠሩም ከተባለ ሥራ አጥ ለሚሆኑ ሰዎች በዝቅተኛ ደረጃ የተቀመጠውን ክፍያ መክፈል የሚችል የኢኮኖሚ አቅም መኖሩ የግድ ይሆናልና ነው፡፡
‹‹ይኼ ኢኮኖሚክስ ነው፡፡ ሰዎች ከዚህ በታች አይቀጠሩም ሲባል መንግሥት ባይቀጠሩ የተቀመጠውን ዝቅተኛ ክፍያ ለእነዚህ ሰዎች የመክፈል አቅም ላይ መድረስ አለበት፤›› ይላሉ፡፡ 
የመንግሥት ታክስ የመሰብሰብ አቅም ሲያድግ፣ መሠረተ ልማቶች ሲስፋፉ በጥቅሉ ኢኮኖሚው ሲያድግ የሠራተኛው ማኅበራዊ ዋስትና ይመጣል በማለት ያስረዳሉ፡፡
አንድ ዓይነት ሙያ ገበያው ላይ በጣም ተፈላጊ ቢሆን ወይም በዚያ የተለየ ሙያ የሠለጠነ ሰው እጥረት ሲኖር በዚያ ሙያ የሠለጠኑ ሰዎች አማርጠው የተሻለ ክፍያ የማግኘት ዕድላቸውን የተጠበቀ ማድረጉ የዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ ወሰን አለመኖር አዎንታዊ ገፅታ ነው በማለት ያስቀምጣሉ፡፡ ይህን ቢሉም ግን ከዚህ በተቃራኒ የሆነ እውነታ ማለትም በአንድ የተወሰነ ሙያ ላይ የሰው ኃይል መትረፍረፍ ቢኖር ለባለሙያዎቹ የዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ ወሰን መኖር ዋስትና እንደሚሆንም አመልክተዋል፡፡
እንደ አቶ ፍቃዱ ገለጻ መንግሥትም ዝቅተኛው የደመወዝ እርከን መቀመጥ እንዳለበት ያምናል፡፡ ነገር ግን ከሥራ አጥነት ጋር በተያያዘ አሉታዊ ተፅዕኖ የሚያሳድርበት ዕድል መኖሩን ያስረዳሉ፡፡ ስለዚህም በአገሪቱ ነባራዊ ሁኔታ በአሁኑ ወቅት ትልቁ ነገር ሥራ አጥነትን መቀነስ ሲሆን ጐን ለጐን ሠራተኛው እንዴት እየተጠቀመ ይሄዳል የሚለው ላይ መሥራት ትክክለኛው አካሄድ ነው የሚል እምነት አላቸው፡፡
ቢሆንም ግን የአንዳንድ የግል ድርጅቶችን ለሠራተኛ የምግብና የትራንስፖርት አቅርቦት ማሟላትን፣ የሠራተኞች ማኅበራዊ ፈንድ ሥርዓት መዘርጋትን በመጥቀስ ‹‹ሩቅ በማይባል ጊዜ ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝን ወደ መወሰን ማምራታችን አይቀርም፤›› ብለዋል፡፡ ይህን እናድርግ ሲባል ግን እያንዳንዱ ሥራ በሚገባ መጠናት፣ መታወቅና መመዘን ያስፈልገዋል ይላሉ፡፡
የኢትዮጵያ ኮንስትራክሽን ኢንዱስትሪ ሠራተኛ ማኅበራት ፌዴሬሽን ፕሬዚዳንት የሆኑት አቶ ዘገየ ኃይለሥላሴን በግሉ ዘርፍ የሠራተኛ ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ የተወሰነ አለመሆን በብዙ መልኩ ችግር መሆኑን ይገልጻሉ፡፡ በተለይ ብዙዎችን እየቀጠረ ባለው የኮንስትራክሽን ዘርፍ ሠራተኞች ደኅንነታቸውን አደጋ ላይ በሚጥል ሁኔታ እየሠሩ የሚከፈላቸው ግን ዝቅተኛ መሆኑን የሚናገሩት አቶ ዘገየ፣ ቀኑን ሙሉ ሠርተው ሰላሳ አምስትና አርባ ብር የሚከፈላቸው ግንበኞች መኖራቸውን ይጠቁማሉ፡፡ የሠራተኛ ማኅበርና የቀጣሪ የኅብረት ስምምነት ባለበት ደመወዝ ሊሻሻል ቢችልም በስምምነቱ የተቀመጠው ነገር እንኳ እንደማይጠበቅ ይገልጻሉ፡፡
እሳቸው እንደሚሉት ኮንስትራክሽን ላይ በተሠማሩ የውጭ አገር ኩባንያዎችም ዝቅተኛ የሠራተኞች ክፍያ የተወሰነ አለመሆን በተለያየ መልኩ ችግር ነው፡፡ የሥራ ላይ ደኅንነታቸው የተጠበቀ አለመሆን ደግሞ የበለጠ ችግሩን አስከፊ ያደርገዋል፡፡ 
የተለያዩ ምክንያቶችን በመጥቀስ የኢትዮጵያ ሠራተኛ ማኅበራት ኮንፌዴሬሽን ለሠራተኛና ማኅበራዊ ሚኒስቴር ዝቅተኛ የሠራተኞች ክፍያ የተወሰነ እንዲሆን በተደጋጋሚ ጥያቄ እንደሚያቀርብ አቶ ፍቃዱ ይገልጻሉ፡፡ የግል ድርጅቶች ሠራተኞች ማኅበራዊ ዋስትና ኤጀንሲ ኮሙዩኒኬሽን ዳይሬክቶሬት ዳይሬክተር አቶ ተስፋዬ ጋሻውም ኮንፌዴሬሽኑ ለእነሱም ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ የተወሰነ እንዲሆን በተደጋጋሚ እንደጠየቁ ይገልጻሉ፡፡ በግሉ ዘርፍ ዝቅተኛ የሠራተኛ ክፍያ የተወሰነ ባለመሆኑ የዝቅተኛ ጡረታን የሚወስኑት በመንግሥት ዘርፍ ያለውን ዝቅተኛ ጡረታ በመከተል መሆኑን የሚናገሩት አቶ ተስፋዬ በግሉ ዘርፍ ዝቅተኛ የሠራተኛ ክፍያ የተወሰነ ቢሆን ከዚያ አኳያ ጡረታውን ለመወሰን ምቹ ሁኔታን ይፈጥራል የሚል እምነት አላቸው፡፡ 
በግሉ ዘርፍ ዝቀተኛውን የሠራተኛ ክፍያ ለመወሰን ያላስቻለው ኢኮኖሚው አቅርቦትና ፍላጐት ላይ የተመሠረተ መሆኑ ነው በማለት የአቶ ፈቃዱን ሐሳብ ሙሉ በሙሉ ይጋራሉ፡፡ ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝን የተወሰነ ማድረግ ውድድርን ያዳክማል የሚል መከራከሪያ የሚያስቀምጡ ድርጅቶች መኖራቸውንም ይገልጻሉ፡፡ የሰዎች የሥራ ዝውውር በሕግ የተፈቀደ በመሆኑ፣ ሠራተኞች እንደፈለጉ ተወዳድረው የተሻለ ነገር የማግኘት ዕድላቸው የተጠበቀ መሆንም የሚጠቅስ ሌላ የመከራከሪያ ነጥብ ነው፡፡ በግሉ ዘርፍ የቅጥር ውድድር ምን ያህል ፍትሃዊ ነው የሚለው ጥያቄ ሆኖ በሌላ በኩለ በአንድ ዓይነት ሙያ ተመሳሳይ የሥራ ልምድ ያላቸው ሰዎች በተለያየ ኩባንያ ውስጥ በመሥራታቸው ብቻ የተለያየ ክፍያ የማግኘታቸው ነገር ፍትሐዊ አይደለም የሚሉም አሉ፡፡ 
‹‹እንደ ተቆጣጣሪ የመንግሥት አካል በግሉ ዘርፍ ዝቅተኛ የሠራተኛ ክፍያ የተወሰነ ቢሆን ጥሩ ይሆናል የሚል እምነት አለኝ፤›› ይላሉ አቶ ተስፋዬ፡፡ ዝቅተኛ ክፍያ የተወሰነ መሆን ሰዎች ለትንሽ ልዩነት ከኩባንያ ኩባንያ የሚያደርጉትን ዝውውር ሊቀንስ መቻሉ በአዎንታዊ ጐን የጠቀሱት ሲሆን ዝቅተኛ ደመወዙ የተወሰነ ለማድረግ ኢኮኖሚው ሊጠናና የሌሎች አገሮች ልምድም ከግንዛቤ ሊገባ ይገባል ይላሉ፡፡ በግሉ ዘርፍ ተቀጣሪ የሆኑ ሠራተኞች ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ የተወሰነ እንዲሆን ይፈልጋሉ ጥያቄም ያቀርባሉ ግን በፍላጐት ብቻ ወደዚያ መሄድ ስለማይቻል ነገሩ ሊጠና ሁኔታው ያን ሊፈቅድ ይገባል፡፡ ለሠራተኛ ዝቅተኛ የጡረታ ወሰን እንዲያደርጉ የግል ተቋማት ሲጠየቁ ሠራተኞች ውጤታማ ባልሆኑበት የኢንዱስትሪ ሥራ ባህል በሌለበት ሁኔታ እንዴት የዚህ ዓይነቱ ነገር ግዴታ ይሆናል የሚል ክርክር ያነሳሉ፡፡
በግሉ ዘርፍ ሠራተኞች በዝቅተኛ ክፍያ፣ ያለጥቅማ ጥቅም ወይም ይህ ነው የማይባል ጥቅማ ጥቅም መሥራታቸው ብቻም ሳይሆን ደኅንነታቸውን አደጋ ላይ በሚጥል ሁኔታ መሥራታቸው ሌላ ችግር ነው፡፡ በግሉ ዘርፍ የሰው ኃይል ብዝበዛ አለ የሚሉት አቶ ተስፋዬ፣ ምንም እንኳ የቅጥር ስምምነት ምን መምሰል እንዳለበት በግልጽ በአዋጅ የተቀመጠ ቢሆንም ብዙ ጊዜ በዘርፉ ቅጥሮች የሚፈጸሙት ከተቀመጠው ውጭ መሆኑን ይገልጻሉ፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ሊነሳ የሚችለው ጥያቄ የአሠሪና ሠራተኛ አዋጅ በምን ያህል ደረጃ ተፈጻሚ እየሆነ ነው? የሚለው ይሆናል፡፡
በካፒታሊስት ኢኮኖሚ የሀብት ክምችት እንደ ዕድገት ይታያል፡፡ ባለሀብቶች እጅግ እየበለፀጉ በሀብታምና በደሀው መካከል ያለው ልዩነትም እጅግ እየሰፋ ይሔዳል፡፡ በዚህ ሁኔታ ውስጥ በግሉ ዘርፍ የሠራተኛ የደመወዝ ጭማሪና የጥቅማጥቅም ጥያቄ ወሳኝ ነው፡፡ የአሠሪዎች ማኅበር ፕሬዚዳንት አቶ ታደለ ይመር በግሉ ዘርፍ የዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ ወሰን ማስቀመጥ (የተወሰነ እንዲሆን ማድረግ) አስፈላጊና የማይቀር ጉዳይ መሆኑን ይናገራሉ፡፡ ይህ ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ የሚወሰነው እንዲሁ በዘፈቀደ ሳይሆን የአገሪቱ የፖለቲካ፣ የኢኮኖሚ ዕድገትና ሌሎች ሁኔታዎች ከግምት ገብተው መሆን እንዳለበት ያምናሉ፡፡ ሠራተኛው ለመኖር የሚያስፈልገው ነገር ሊሰጠው ይገባል ቢሉም በተቃራኒው ጉዳዩ በአሠሪውና በሠራተኛው የኢኮኖሚ ግንኙነት የሚወሰን መሆኑን ያመለክታሉ፡፡ ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝን የተወሰነ የማድረግ ነገር የሚወሰነው በኢኮኖሚው ነው በሚለው ሀሳባቸው የአቶ ፍቃዱንና የአቶ ተስፋዬን አቋም የሚጋሩት አቶ ታደለ አገሪቱ ድህነትን ለማጥፋት እየታገለች መሆኗም ከግምት የሚገባ ነው ይላሉ፡፡ ስለዚህም ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ የተወሰነ ይሁን ሲባል የአገሪቱ ነባራዊ ሁኔታ ተጠንቶ እንጂ እንዲሁ ከሌላ አገር ጋር ተነጻጽሮ መሆን የለበትም በማለት ለማስረዳት ይሞክራሉ፡፡
አቶ ታደለ እንደሚሉት ኢትዮጵያውያን ቀጣሪዎች የሠራተኞች ዝቅተኛ የደመወዝ  ወሰን እንዲቀመጥ አይፈልጉም የሚል የተሳሳተ ግንዛቤ ቢኖርም እውነቱ ግን የተለየ ነው ይላሉ፡፡ 
በግሉ ዘርፍ የሠራተኛ ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝ የተወሰነ መሆን አስፈላጊነትን አጀንዳው ያደረገው የኢትዮጵያ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ፓርቲ ፕሬዚዳንት ዶ/ር ጫኔ ከበደ ፓርቲያቸው የመንግሥትም ሆነ የግሉ ዘርፍ ተቀጣሪ የሠራተኛ ዝቅተኛው ክፍያ አንድ ሺሕ ብር መሆን አለበት ብሎ እንደሚያምን ለሪፖርተር ገልጸዋል፡፡ ኑሮ እጅግ ውድ በሆነበትና የገንዘብ የመግዛት አቅም በወረደበት ጊዜ፣ የአገሪቱ ኢኮኖሚያዊ እውነታ ውስጥ ይሔ ገንዘብ በተወሰነ መልኩ ለሠራተኛው የሚያግዝ ቢሆንም አጠቃላይ የኢኮኖሚ ማሻሻያ ያስፈልጋል ብለው ያምናሉ፡፡ በመሠረታዊ ሸቀጦች፣ በትራንስፖርት፣ በጤናና በሌሎችም ወጪዎች ሰዎች ላለመውደቅ እየታገሉ መሆናቸውን የሚናገሩት ዶ/ር ጫኔ በዚህ የኑሮ ግብግብ ውስጥ በተለይም የቀን ሠራተኞች ዋነኛ ተጐጅዎች መሆናቸውን ይገልጻሉ፡፡  
ደመወዝን የገበያ ተወዳዳሪነት ይወስነዋል የሚባል ነገር የለም፡፡ ይልቁንም ደመወዝ የሚወሰነው የሠራተኛው አገልግሎት፣ የአገሪቱ የኑሮ ሁኔታና የሸቀጦች ዋጋ ከግምት ገብቶ መሆን እንዳለበት የሚያስረዱት የግብርና ኢኮኖሚ ባለሙያ የሆኑት ዶክተር ደምስ ጫንያለው ናቸው፡፡ የተጠቀሱት ነገሮች ከግምት መግባታቸው እንዳለ ሆኖ የመጨረሻ የሚባለው የደመወዝ ወሰን ደግሞ ከድህነት መስመር በላይ መሆንም ይኖርበታል ይላሉ፡፡ ሠራተኞች ባመረቱት ነገር ላይ ባለመብት በማይሆኑበት ይልቅም የሚያገኙት ክፍያ ብቻ በሆነበት አካሔድ በመንግሥትም ሆነ በግሉ ዘርፍ ዝቅተኛ የደመወዝ ወሰን ሊቀመጥ ግድ ነው ይላሉ፡፡ 
ዶ/ር ደምስ ርካሽ የሰው ኃይልን (አቶ ፍቃዱ ግን ርካሽ ሳይሆን ተወዳዳሪ የሰው ኃይል ነው ያለው ይላሉ) ፈልገው ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እየመጡ ያሉ የውጭ ኩባንያዎች ጉዳይ በጥንቃቄ ሊታይ ይገባል የሚል አቋም አላቸው፡፡ እነዚህ ኩባንያዎች ሰዎች ምርጫ እንዲያጡና በተሰመረላቸው መስመር ላይ ሆነው እንዲሠሩ የሚያደርጉ በመሆናቸው የደመወዝ ነገር በገበያው ይወሰን ተብሎ መተው የለበትም ሲሉ ይከራከራሉ፡፡ ማኅበራዊ ዋስትና ባልተረጋገጠበት እንደ ኢትዮጵያ ባለ አገር ውስጥ ዝቅተኛ ደመወዝን መወሰን አስፈላጊ በመሆኑ፤ መንግሥት እንደ አስፈላጊነቱ ከሸቀጥ ዋጋ ጋር በተያያዘ የኢኮኖሚ ጣልቃ ገብነቱን እንደሚያሳይ ሁሉ ባለው የሰው ኃይል ገበያም ዝቅተኛ የደመወዝ ወሰንን በማስቀመጥ ጣልቃ መግባት እንዳለበት ያስረግጣሉ፡፡    
INTERNATIONAL FRIENDLY: HALFTIME: Uganda 1-0 Ethiopia (45' Geofrey Massa)
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The opening 45 minutes of the international friendly match at Namboole Stadium have been full of action.
The hosts lead 1–0 after University of Pretoria striker, Geofrey Massa’s well drilled strike, scored at the death of the first half.
Lweza F.C left midfielder, Michael Sserumaga has been the best performer of the Cranes with defense splitters that have thrice found Massa in the off side position.
The visitor’s best chance of the game fell to right winger, Yusuf Saleh, whose goal bound effort was saved by goal keeper, Robert Odongkara.
Uganda has won 4 corners to Ethiopia’s one.
RSF : ETHIOPIA, FLEEING JOURNALISTS AND NEWSPAPERS SHUT DOWN
Ethiopian journalists charged with terrorism
Paris ( DIPLOMAT.SO) – At least six publications have had to close in recent months and around 30 journalists have fled abroad since the start of the year as a result of the biggest crackdown on the privately-owned press since 2005, one reflecting a government desire to make a clean sweep of independent media before parliamentary elections next May, local analysts say.
In the latest development, Reporters Without Borders learned on 1 November that magazine editor Temesgen Desalegn has been transferred to a prison in the town of Ziway, about 200 km away from Addis Ababa to serve the three-year jail sentence of his 13 October condemnation.
Desalegn was convicted of publishing reports about “politicians and journalists linked to terrorist groups” in the now-closed newspaper Fitih, which he edited before becoming the editor of Fact, a magazine closed in August. These charges were dropped after originally being brought against Desalegn in connection with a defamation case in 2012, but were revived last year.
“We are extremely concerned about Temesgen Desalegn’s conviction and his transfer to a prison far from his family, especially as he has chronic health problems,” said Cléa Kahn-Sriber, the head of the Reporters Without Borders Africa desk.
“This conviction is just the latest example of the witchhunt that the Ethiopian government has decided to wage against the independent press. Invoking the spectre of terrorism in order to silence critics has unfortunately become a systematic government practice.”
Desalegn’s trial and conviction have been preceded by many other acts of intimidation and harassment that have created a state of extreme fear within the Ethiopian media.
The owners of three magazines – Endalkachew Tesfaye of Addis Guday, Gizaw Taye of Lomi and Fatuma Nuriya of Fact – were convicted in absentia of “encouraging terrorism” on 7 October and were given sentences ranging from three years and three months to three years and eleven months in prison.
The source of the charges was the justice ministry, which has brought the same charges against three other publications – Enqu, Jano and Afro-Times – whose fate is not yet known.
Even public media are not spared when they stray from the party line: in June, 18 journalists were fired by the main state-owned broadcaster in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, because of their political views.
In April, six bloggers with the Zone 9 collection and three journalists – one a freelancer and the other two employed by privately-owned media – were arrested in the course of a single weekend without any explanation being given.
It was only after they had been held without charge for three months that they learned that they were to be prosecuted under the 2009 anti-terrorism law for allegedly “organizing themselves into covert sub-groups to overthrow the government by contacting and receiving finance and training from two designated terrorist groups” – a charge that carries a possible 15-year jail sentence.
Since then, all their requests to be released on bail have been denied.
“We call on the authorities to reverse these convictions of journalists and media owners on specious grounds in recent months and to withdraw all the charges against the news and information providers currently jailed or in exile,” Reporters Without Borders deputy programme director Virginie Dangles said.
Persecution campaign against independent media
A smear campaign against a number of independent newspapers began in January when the government newspaper Addis Zemen published an Ethiopian Press Agency study listing articles they had published that allegedly promoted an uprising and terrorism.
One of the journalists concerned said: “This is where the government announces its future decisions. If your name appears there, you know you are going to have problems.”
In late August, state-owned Ethiopian TV broadcast three documentaries, including one entitled “Untamed Pens,” that portrayed the staff of the magazines Lomi, Fact, Enqu, Jano, Addis Guday and the newspaper AfroTimes as enemies of the state. This documentary aims at justifying the charges brought against these publications.
In the weeks before and after this documentary aired, several media were closed down and their employees threatened or harassed.
Seals were placed on the entrance to Lomi’s office on 19 July – on the grounds that it did not have a licence to operate – and the police searched it thoroughly. Ethio Midhar, a newspaper, was closed in October and its editor was summoned for questioning by the criminal investigation division, known as Maekelawi.
The companies that print certain newspapers, such as Ethio Midhar, Addis Guday and Lomi, have also been harassed by the authorities, as a result of which they are now refusing to print them.
Many journalists have reported being summoned by the police and threatened with arrest or physical reprisals. When the police could not locate them, they threatened their relatives with arbitrary arrest or raids on their homes.
All this harassment and intimidation has created a climate of terror within the media community that has driven about 30 journalists to flee the country since the start of the year. The entire staff of some publications has fled abroad. They include Lomi, whose editor, two of its reporters and six other employees fled abroad as soon as the judicial proceedings were initiated.
Many have gone to the Kenyan capital of Nairobi, which Reporters Without Borders visited last month to interview them about their life in exile and the way they were persecuted in Ethiopia. With no source of income, they have had to endure the most appalling material and psychological conditions in Kenya, and fear being followed by the Ethiopian embassy’s agents.
“I arrived here just a few days ago,” one told Reporters Without Borders. “I am in a neighbourhood where many Ethiopians live. I don’t feel safe. I need a safer place but I don’t really know where to go.”
Despite the extremely precarious situation awaiting them, journalists are continuing to flee Ethiopia.
Another newly arrived journalist said: “Other colleagues are thinking of joining us. The legislative elections are coming and they know that the climate will continue to deteriorate.” One journalist, Million Shurube of the newspaper Maraki, fell ill during the journey and died in exile for lack of treatment.
Observers of the situation in Ethiopia say this is the worst crackdown since the one that followed the elections in 2005.
Looming parliamentary elections
Although its economic and social record has been relatively satisfactory in recent years, the Ethiopian government seems to fear any form of criticism or protest at a time when ethnic and religious-based demands are growing.
“The government has managed to eliminate much of the privately-owned press in the space of a few months, thereby curtailing public debate and the ability of ordinary citizens to discuss issues concerning them,” Kahn-Sriber said. “Such a censorship campaign in the run-up to elections is particularly disturbing.”
An Ethiopian media analyst who spoke to Reporters Without Borders on condition of anonymity said the situation is all the more worrying because it will continue until next May at least. “Even if the bloggers and journalists continue to appear in court, their case won’t advance before the elections. The government is deliberately blocking it.”
The privately-owned press is clearly experiencing its most difficult period in a decade even if some publications, such as Reporter, Addis Admas and Ethio Miska, are continuing to appear.
“It’s true that some journalists have been very critical of the government but it is important to respect the principle of proportionality,” the analyst said. “There are procedures for challenging articles regarded as defamatory. Mass arrests and forcing newspapers to close are counter-productive, especially if the very existence of these critical newspapers is a direct result of the government’s news control policies.”
Publications that did not originally intend to cover politics felt obliged to evolve because of a pressing public demand for more diverse coverage of political and social developments. And sometimes their staff took radical positions that failed to respect media ethics.
But, according to the information obtained by Reporters Without Borders, none of these media ever published articles that justified the current crackdown. The government’s aim is to clear – to install such a level of fear that it will not be challenged.
According to Reporters Without Borders’ tally, at least ten journalists and six netizens are currently detained in Ethiopia, which is ranked 143rd out of 180 countries in the 2014 Reporters Without Borders press freedom index.
Source: http://diplomat.so/2014/11/09/rsf-ethiopia-fleeing-journalists-and-newspapers-shut-down/
This fall was a busy time for advocacy at the United Nations on human rights in Ethiopia. It was also a great time to see The Advocates for Human Rights’ new toolkit, Paving Pathways for Justice and Accountability: Human Rights Tools for Diaspora Communities, in action.
Universal Periodic Review Concludes with Some Fireworks
In a one-hour session on September 19, the UN Human Rights Council adopted the outcome of its second Universal Periodic Review of Ethiopia. You can watch the video of the session here.
I’ve blogged about the UPR of Ethiopia before, and the adoption of the outcome is the last step in the process. The adoption of the outcome is also the only opportunity civil society organizations have to speak during the UPR process.
The Advocates for Human Rights is based in Minnesota, not Geneva, so we don’t generally get a chance to address the Human Rights Council during the UPR process. But I often watch the live webcasts, and this time I got up early to livetweet.
Left: Ms Renate Bloem from Civicus World Alliance for Citizenship Participation addresses the Human Rights Council
Several non-governmental organizations took the floor and raised concerns about the human rights situation on the ground in Ethiopia. Civicus World Alliance for Citizenship Participation, for example, expressed concern about Ethiopia’s refusal to accept recommendations to remove draconian restrictions on free expression. Renate Bloem (left), speaking for Civicus, added:
While relying on international funding to supplement 50-60 percent of its national budget, the government has simultaneously criminalized most foreign funding for human rights groups in the country. These restrictions have precipitated the near complete cessation of independent human rights monitoring in the country. It is therefore deeply alarming that Ethiopia has explicitly refused to implement recommendations put forward by nearly 15 governments during its UPR examination to create an enabling environment for civil society.
The Ethiopian Ambassador to the UN in Geneva, Minelik Alemu Getahun (top), lashed out at the NGOs that commented, particularly Civicus:
I regret the language used by some of the NGO representatives and particularly the call for action some of them made against Ethiopia in the Council for alleged isolated acts. Some of the language used in the allegations, particularly the remarks by CIVICUS on our budget is outrageous and incorrect. I can assure the Council that Ethiopia relies on its peoples and their resources, which is not unusual supplemented by international support.
The Human Rights Council then adopted the outcome of the second UPR of Ethiopia. The recommendations Ethiopia accepted are contained in the Report of the Working Group and an addendum, available here. Some of the more promising recommendations that Ethiopia accepted in September are:
  • Implement fully its 1995 Constitution, including the freedoms of association, expression and assembly for independent political parties, ethnic and religious groups and non-government organisations (Australia).
  • Take concrete steps to ensure the 2015 national elections are more representative and participative than those in 2010, especially around freedom of assembly and encouraging debate among political parties (United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland).
  • Consider implementing the pertinent recommendations from the Independent Expert on Minorities, with a view to guaranteeing equal treatment of all ethnic groups in the country (Cape Verde).
  • Monitor the implementation of the anti-terrorism law in order to identify any act of repression which affects freedom of association and expression and possible cases of arbitrary detention. In addition, develop activities necessary to eliminate any excesses by the authorities in its application (Mexico).
Now it’s up to people on the ground in Ethiopia, as well as people outside of Ethiopia like the Oromo diaspora, to lobby the Ethiopian Government to implement the recommendations it accepted and to monitor whether the government is keeping its word.
The next UPR cycle for Ethiopia will begin in about 4 years, when NGOs will have a chance to submit new stakeholder reports demonstrating whether Ethiopia has implemented the recommendations it accepted, pointing out any developments on the ground since the last review, and advocating for new recommendations that will improve human rights in Ethiopia. Learn more about how you can get involved in the UPR process of Ethiopia (or any other country) on pages 200-210 of Paving Pathways.
Opportunities Ahead for Voices to be Heard
There’s much more to be done in the effort to build respect for human rights in Ethiopia. In addition to the next steps mentioned above, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights will be reviewing Ethiopia’s human rights record in its December 2014 session. In September, the Advocates and the International Oromo Youth Associationsubmitted a lengthy alternative report to the African Commission, responding to the Ethiopian Government’s report. The African Commission will conduct an examination of the Ethiopian Government and then will issue Concluding Observations and Recommendations. You can read the African Commission’s Concluding Observations from its first review of Ethiopia, in 2010, here. To learn more about advocacy with the African Commission, read pages 268-280 of Paving Pathways.
On Wednesday, November 19, Amane Badhasso and I will have a talk with the Amnesty International chapter of the University of Minnesota Law School. The students are eager to learn more about human rights in Ethiopia, and they want to participate in a collective activity to show their support. There’s been a lot of attention lately to a report Amnesty just released on human rights violations against the Oromo people.
Organizations like The Advocates for Human Rights and Amnesty will be ineffective if they work on their own. The Oromo diaspora, as well as other diaspora communities from Ethiopia, have a critical role to play in leading the way to promoting human rights, justice, and accountability in Ethiopia. The Advocates for Human Rights hopes that Paving Pathways will lay the groundwork for many more fruitful collaborations.
Are you a member of a diaspora community? Do you know people who are living in the diaspora? What steps can the diasporans you know take to improve human rights and accountability in their countries of origin or ancestry? How could Paving Pathways and The Advocates for Human Rights assist them?
At top: H.E. Mr. Minelik Alemu Getahun (left), Ambassador Extraordinary & Plenipotentiary and Permanent Representative of Ethiopia to the United Nations Office in Geneva
More posts about the crisis in Ethiopia:
Ethiopia’s already limited space for civil society and human rights defenders is undergoing further contraction, warns CIVICUS, The East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, and the Ethiopia Human Rights Project (EHRP). Throughout 2014, Ethiopian authorities have orchestrated an unprecedented legislative assault on journalists, and independent voices within civil society, undermining fundamental human rights and restricting the operating environment for civil society and human rights defenders.
On 27 October 2014, prominent newspaper editor Temesgen Desalegn was sentenced to three years imprisonment on politically motivated charges of provoking incitement against the state. Temesgen and his now defunct newspaper, Feteh, were targeted under Ethiopian Criminal Code provisions.  The charges, which are widely viewed as an attempt to silence independent reporting on sensitive issues, stem from articles published byFeteh on demonstrations organised by Muslim groups and youth activists in 2012.
Earlier this month, three magazine owners were sentenced to sentences ranging from three years and three months to three years and eleven months in absentia. They are Endalkachew Tesfaye of the Addis Gudaymagazine, Fatuma Nuriya of Fact, and Gizaw Taye of Lomi. The charges levelled against them included “inciting violent revolts, printing and distributing unfounded rumours and conspiring to unlawfully abolish the constitutional system of the country.” In August 2014, the Ministry of Justice accused six weekly papers of committing unsubstantiated crimes against the state. There are concerns that the three other newspapers listed in the communique, including Afro-Times, Enqu and Jano, will also be targeted.
“The recent convictions are indicative of the intolerance of the Ethiopian state towards any kind of dissent. It is a widely held view that the current government is becoming particularly sensitive to public scrutiny as it readies for national elections in May 2015,” said Mandeep Tiwana, Head of Policy and Research at CIVICUS. “With at least 17 journalists and bloggers currently imprisoned in Ethiopia, the country is believed to be the second largest imprisoner of journalists in Sub -Saharan Africa after Eritrea.”
In addition to the wilful misapplication of the Criminal Code, sweeping provisions of Ethiopia’s 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation continue to be invoked to silence journalists and human rights defenders. On 17 July 2014, six members of the blogger’s collective, Zone 9, and three independent journalists, were charged with planning terrorist acts and committing outrages against the Constitution under the Anti-Terrorism proclamation and Ethiopian Criminal Code.
In addition, a seventh member of Zone 9, Soliyana Gebremicheal, who also coordinates the Ethiopian Human Rights Project, was charged in absentia with leading the group. As justification for the charges, the public prosecutor pointed to Soliyana’s recent involvement in a digital security training organised by international human rights groups.
“In the run up to national elections, the increasing trend of arbitrary arrest and detention, politically motivated prosecutions, and intimidation of independent voices within civil society is deeply concerning,” said Soleyana Gebremichael, of the Ethiopia Human Rights Project. “Similar trends were notable in the run-up to the 2010 national election, in which the ruling EPRDF party won 99.6% of parliamentary seats.”
The escalating crackdown in the country comes at a time of growing concern among the international community over Ethiopia’s disregard for its national and international human rights obligations. In September this year, six independent UN experts urged the government to cease misusing the Anti-Terrorism proclamation to curb the rights to freedom of expression and association. In May 2014, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights alsoraised concern about the climate of intimidation of human rights defenders in Ethiopia.
“In Ethiopia over the last five years, we have seen the wholesale disappearance of the human rights community, with countless human rights defenders forced into exile due to heavy-handed and manifestly unlawful state tactics aimed at undermining their work,” said Hassan Shire, Executive Director of the East and Horn of African Human Rights Defenders Project. “Throughout 2014, the risks facing journalists and independent human rights voices have reached unprecedented new heights.”
The Ethiopian government continues to ignore calls from the international community to institute substantive reforms to rectify the human rights situation in the country. In September 2014, during the adoption of its UN Universal Period Review Report, Ethiopian authorities refused to accept a number of recommendations to release imprisoned journalists and activists in the country or revise the Anti-Terrorism proclamation, despite calls from civil society organisations and a number of governments.
CIVICUS, the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, and the Ethiopia Human Rights Project urge Ethiopia’s trade and development partners to engage with the Ethiopian government with a view to ending the on-going crackdown on human rights defenders and civil society.
Source: CIVICUS
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The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of, and should not be attributed to, WORANCHA.BLOGSPOT.com.