Nomonanoto Show

Saturday, September 20, 2014

ሰሞኑን ለሦስት ቀናት ጉብኝት ወደ ኢትዮጵያ መጥተው የነበሩት የዓለም ባንክ ማኔጂንግ ዳይሬክተርና የኦፕሬሽን ዋና ኃላፊ ስሪ ሙሊያኒ ኢንድራዋቲ፣ እያደገ የመጣው የብድር ዕዳ መጠን በኢትዮጵያ ላይ አደጋዎችን ሊያስከትል እንደሚችል ገለጹ፡፡ 
ኢንድራዋቲ ባለፈው ረቡዕ ለጋዜጠኞች በሰጡት መግለጫ እንዳስታወቁት፣ ምንም እንኳን የአገሪቱ የብድር ዕዳ መጠን ከጠቅላላ የአገር ውስጥ ምርት አኳያ ያለው ድርሻ አነስተኛ ቢሆንም፣ የዕዳውን መጠን በግልጽነት ለማስተዳደር የሚችልና ግልጽነት የሰፈነበት አስተዳደር ማስፈን የመንግሥት ግዴታ መሆኑን አስታውቀዋል፡፡ 
የገንዘብና ኢኮኖሚ ልማት ሚኒስቴር ይፋ ያደረገው መረጃ እንደሚያመለክተው፣ አገሪቱ ያለባት ጠቅላላ የብድር መጠን 20 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ደርሷል፡፡ ከዚህ ውስጥ 12 ቢሊዮን ዶላር ከውጭ ምንጮች የተገኙ ብድሮችን የሚሸፍን የዕዳ መጠን ነው፡፡ በዚህ መሠረት ከጠቅላላ አገር ውስጥ ምርት አኳያ የዕዳው ድርሻ 44 ከመቶ መድረሱን ይጠቁማል፡፡ 
ኢንድራዋቲ እንደሚገልጹት፣ ይህ አኃዝ ዝቅተኛ በሚባለው የዕዳ ደረጃ ላይ የሚገኝ ነው፡፡ ነገር ግን የመንግሥት የኢንቨስትመንት ወጪዎች እየተበራከቱ በመምጣታቸው ምክንያት የዕዳ መጠኑን በዚያው ልክ እያደገ በመሆኑ፣ የመንግሥት የልማት ድርጅቶችን በሚመለከት ከጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለ ማርያም ደሳለኝና ከሚመለከታቸው ሚኒስትሮች ጋር መነጋገራቸውን አስረድተዋል፡፡ ከውይይቶቹ መካከልም በመንግሥት አስተዳደር ማሻሻያ ሪፎርሞች ላይ ያተኮረው አንዱ እንደነበር አስታውሰዋል፡፡ በዚህም መንግሥት በአስተዳደራዊ መዋቅሮቹ ላይ ማሻሻያ በማድረግ፣ ግልጽነትና ኢኮኖሚውን በብቃት የማስተዳደር ጉዳዮች ላይ ተወያይተዋል፡፡ 
የመንግሥት የልማት ድርጅቶች በየጊዜው እየጨመረ የመጣውን  የኢንቨስትመንት ወጪን መነሻ በማድረግ፣ በኢትዮጵያ እየጨመረ የሚገኘውን የብድር ዕዳ መጠንና ሊከሰት የሚችለውን አደጋ ለመቋቋም የሚያስችል አሠራር ማምጣት እንደሚገባቸው መክረዋል፡፡ 
‹‹ይህንን ለማከናወን አስተማማኝ የፋናይናንስ ሪፖርት ያስፈልጋል፡፡ ግልጽነትና ወጥነት በጣም ጠቃሚ ነው፡፡ ተዓማኒነት ያለው መረጃ መኖሩ ግድ ይላል፡፡ አሁን እየታየ ያለው የብድር ሁኔታ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ተጨማሪ የተጋላጭነት አደጋ ማስከተሉ በእርግጠኝነት የማይቀር ነው፤›› ብለዋል፡፡ ኢትዮጵያ የብድር ዕዳዋን ለማቃለል የወጪ ንግድ ሚዛኗ ወሳኝ መሆኑን ኢንድራዋቲ ገልጸዋል፡፡ ሆኖም ባለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት በወጪ ንግድ መስክ አገሪቱ ዝቅተኛ ውጤት ስታዝመገዘብ መቆየቷ ለብድር ዕዳ ያላትን ተጋላጭነት አስፍቶታል ይባላል፡፡ 
አገሪቱ ስታዝመግብ የቆየችው የኢኮኖሚ ዕድገት መልካም የሚባል መሆኑን የጠቀሱት ኢንድራዋቲ፣ ይህም ሆኖ ኢኮኖሚው መዋቅራዊ ለውጥ ለማምጣት ብዙ እንደሚቀረው ገልጸዋል፡፡ የኢኮኖሚው ዕድገት በርካታ የሥራ መስኮችን ሊፈጥሩ የሚችሉ አምራች ኢንዱስትሪዎችን ለማምጣት ብዙ መንገድ ይቀረዋል ያሉት ማኔጂንግ ዳይሬክተሯ፣ ባንኩ የኢንዲስትሪ ዞኖች ግንባታን ፋይናንስ እያደረገ እንደሚገኝም አስታውሰዋል፡፡ በአዲስ አበባ ቦሌ ለሚ ሁለተኛ ምዕራፍና በአቃቂ ቃሊቲ ቂልንጦ አካባቢ ለሚገነቡ ሁለት የኢንዱስትሪ ዞኖች የሚውል የ250 ሚሊዮን ዶላር ብድር መፍቀዱን፣ በኢትዮጵያ የባንኩ ዳይሬክተር ጉዋንግ ዚ ቼን ገልጸዋል፡፡ 
ባንኩ ለመሠረተ ልማት ከሚሰጠው ድጋፍ በተጨማሪ በኢትዮጵያ ለመሠረታዊ ሴፍቲኔት ፕሮግራምም ድጋፍ ያደርጋል፡፡ ተዘዋውረው በጎበኟቸው የሴፍቲኔት ጣቢያዎች ጥሩ ውጤት እንዳዩ ማኔጂንግ ዳይሬክተሯ ተናግረው፣ እየጨመረ በመጣው የከተሞች የምግብ እጥረት ተጋላጭነት ሳቢያ በድምሩ አሥር ሚሊዮን ሰዎች በሴፍቲኔት ፕሮግራም ይታቀፋሉ ተብሎ እንደሚጠበቅ ይፋ አድርገዋል፡፡ 
ስሪ ሙልያኒ ኢንድራዋቲ የዓለም ባንክን ከመቀላቀላቸው አስቀድሞ የኢንዶኔዥያ የፋይናንስ ሚኒስትር በመሆን አገልግለዋል፡፡ ከዚህ በተጨማሪም የኢኮኖሚ ጉዳዮች አስተባባሪ ሚኒስትር በመሆንም ሠርተዋል፡፡ እ.ኤ.አ. በ2010 የዓለም ባንክን የተቀላቀሉት ኢንድራዋቲ፣ በምክትል ፕሬዚዳንትነት ደረጃ የሚመሯቸው በርካታ መስኮች አሉ፡፡ በማኔጂንግ ዳይሬክተርነት ሥልጣናቸው የባንኩን የአካባቢያዊ ሥራዎች በጠቅላላ የመምራት ኃላፊነት ተሰጥቷቸዋል፡፡
Source:  http://www.ethiopianreporter.com/index.php/news/item/7347-%E1%8B%A8%E1%8B%93%E1%88%88%E1%88%9D-%E1%89%A3%E1%8A%95%E1%8A%AD-%E1%8A%A2%E1%89%B5%E1%8B%AE%E1%8C%B5%E1%8B%AB-%E1%88%88%E1%89%A5%E1%8B%B5%E1%88%AD-%E1%8B%95%E1%8B%B3-%E1%8A%A0%E1%8B%B0%E1%8C%8B%E1%8B%8E%E1%89%BD-%E1%8B%A8%E1%88%98%E1%8C%8B%E1%88%88%E1%8C%A5-%E1%8B%95%E1%8B%B5%E1%88%8F-%E1%8A%A5%E1%8B%A8%E1%88%B0%E1%8D%8B-%E1%8A%90%E1%8B%8D-%E1%8A%A0%E1%88%88

-  ልዩ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ትብብሮችን ለማድረግም አቅደዋል
ኢትዮጵያና ሩሲያ ለዓመታት የቆየ ትብብራቸውን በተለይም ወታደራዊ ግንኙነታቸውን ለማጠናከር ከመግባባት ላይ ደረሱ፡፡
ሁለቱ አገሮች የመግባባት ስምምነት ላይ የደረሱት የሩሲያው የረዥም ጊዜ ዲፕሎማትና የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትሩ ሰርጌይ ላቭሮቭ ባለፈው ሐሙስ ለአንድ ቀን የሥራ ጉበኝት አዲስ አበባ በመጡበት ወቅት ነው፡፡
ሰርጌይ ላቭሮቭ በአዲስ አበባ ቦሌ ዓለም አቀፍ አውሮፕላን ማረፊያ በደረሱበት ወቅት የተቀበሏቸው የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትሩ ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም ናቸው፡፡ በመቀጠልም ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለ ማርያም ደሳለኝ በሁለቱ አገሮች የጋራ ጉዳይ ላይ ከሩሲያው የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር ጋር መክረዋል፡፡
ከሁለቱ አገሮች ባለሥልጣናት ምክክር በኋላ ለጋዜጠኞች የተካሄደው ውይይት የገለጹት የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትሩ ሰርጌይ ላቭሮቭ፣ በተለያዩ የሁለቱ አገሮች የጋራ ትብብሮች ላይ መምከራቸውን፣ ከእነዚህም መካከል በወታደራዊ ትብብርና በልዩ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ግንኙነቶች ለመተባበር መግባባታቸውን ገልጸዋል፡፡
ባለፈው ሐምሌ ወር የሁለቱ አገሮች ከፍተኛ ባለሥልጣኖች በጋራ ኮሚሽን ስብሰባ ላይ ተገናኝተው በሳይንስና ቴክኖሎጂ፣ በኢነርጂ፣ ተደራራቢ ግብርን ለማስቀረትና የኢንቨስትመንት ጥበቃ ለማድረግ መስማማታቸውን የገለጹት ሰርጌይ ላቭሮቭ፣ ከጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለ ማርያም ጋር ተግናኝተው በተነጋገሩብት ወቅት የተጠቀሱት የትብብር መስኮች በፍጥነት እንዲተገበሩ ለማድረግ መስማማታቸውን አስረድተዋል፡፡
ይህ ሲባል ሌሎች ጉዳዮች የሉም ማለት እንዳልሆነ የተናገሩት ሚኒስትሩ፣ በተለይ የሁለቱ አገሮች ግንኙነት መገለጫ ባህሪ የሆነው ወታደራዊ ትብብር ተጠናክሮ እንዲቀጥል መስማማታቸውን አስታውቀዋል፡፡
ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ በበኩላቸው ኢትዮጵያ የሩሲያን ባለሀብቶች እንደምታበረታታ ለሚኒስትሩ መገለጹን በተለይ በኃይል አቅርቦትና በባቡር መስመር ዝርጋታ የተጀመረውን ትብብር ኢትዮጵያ እንደምታደንቅና ተጠናክሮ እንዲቀጥል እንደምትፈልግ መገለጹን ተናግረዋል፡፡
ኢትዮጵያ ከላይ ከተገለጸው በተጨማሪ የአበባና የሥጋ ምርት መዳረሻን ወደ ሩሲያ ማስፋት እንደምትፈልግና ለዚህም ይረዳ ዘንድ የሁለቱ አገሮችን በአየር ትራንስፖርት ማገናኘት ተገቢ መሆኑ እንደታመነበት፣ ይህንንም በፍጥነት ለመጨረስ የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትሩ ሰርጌይ ላቭሮቭ ቃል መግባታቸውን ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ አክለዋል፡፡
ከዚህ ውጪ ሁለቱ አገሮች ኢትዮጵያ በምትገኝበት ቀጣና ስላለው ፖለቲካዊ ሁኔታ የተነጋገሩ ሲሆን፣ ኢትዮጵያ በሰላም ማስከበርና በማደራደር ረገድ እያደረገች ላለው እንቅስቃሴ ሩሲያ ከፍተኛ አድናቆት እንዳላት ተናግረዋል፡፡
‹‹በዓለም አቀፍ የፖለቲካ ጉዳዮች ላይ በጋራ ለመንቀሳቀስ የደረስንበትን መግባባት በድጋሚ አድሰናል፡፡ በተጨማሪም ግጭቶችን ሰላማዊ በሆነ መንገድ ለመፍታት በተለይም የተናጠል የኃይል ዕምርጃ ላለመውሰድ ተግባብተናል፤›› ብለዋል፡፡
የኢትዮጵያና የሩሲያ ግንኙነት በ17ኛው ክፍል ዘመን እንደተጀመረ ይነገራል፡፡ ከዚህ በኋላ በአፄ ምንሊክ ዘመን የሁለቱ አገሮች ግንኙነት የበለጠ እየተጠናከረ መሄዱን፣ ኢትዮጵያ በዓድዋ ጦርነት በጣሊያን በተወረረችበት ወቅት የሩሲያ ቀይ መስቀል ማኅበር የቆሰሉ አርበኞችን ለመርዳት እ.ኤ.አ. በ1896 ኢትዮጵያ መግባቱን  የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስቴር መረጃዎች ያመላክታሉ፡፡
የመንግሥታት መለዋወጥ ያልፈተነው የሁለቱ አገሮች ግንኙነት አሁንም መቀጠሉን የኢትዮጵያ የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስቴር ይገልጻል፡፡
Source: http://www.ethiopianreporter.com/index.php/news/item/7343-%E1%8A%A2%E1%89%B5%E1%8B%AE%E1%8C%B5%E1%8B%AB%E1%8A%93-%E1%88%A9%E1%88%B2%E1%8B%AB-%E1%8B%88%E1%89%B3%E1%8B%B0%E1%88%AB%E1%8B%8A-%E1%89%B5%E1%89%A5%E1%89%A5%E1%88%AB%E1%89%B8%E1%8B%8D%E1%8A%95-%E1%88%88%E1%88%9B%E1%8C%A0%E1%8A%93%E1%8A%A8%E1%88%AD-%E1%89%B0%E1%88%B5%E1%88%9B%E1%88%99
በፌዴራል የመንግስት ተቋማት ውስጥ በተለያዩ የሙያ መስኮች ተቀጥረው በማገልግል ላይ ያሉትን የመንግስት ስራተኞች የብሔር ስብጥር በተመለከተ ሰሞኑ የወጣው ኣንድ መረጃ እንደምያመለክተው በኣገሪቱ በህዝብ ብዛት ኣምስተኛ ደረጃ ላይ ከምገኘው የሲዳማ ብሔር መሆናቸውን የገለጹ ተቀጣሪዎች ቁጥር ኣጠቃላይ ድምር 223 ብቻ ነው። ይህም ከመቶ ስሰላ ዜሮ ነጥብ 25 ነው።
የዜናው ዝርዝር ከታች ይመልከቱ፦  
This chart, sent to us by well placed source, shows ethnic composition of employees of Ethiopia’s  federal government. The data shows huge disparity when compared to ethnic composition of the country, even if we use the disputed 2007 census.   Amharas make up 51% percent of the employees, which is twice the size of their proportion of the country’s  population. Oromos make up 12.7% which is one-fourth of their population size. Somalis, the third largest ethnic group in the country,  make up about 6.2% of the total population but  they only constitute just 0.07% of the federal government’s workforce.
There is a group categorized as ‘unidentified/ undisclosed’ constituting  23.7% of the federal workforce. While its not clear what criteria is being used to categorize them as such, we can assume these are people who refuse to identify their ethnic background. The likely candidate for this are Amharas who oppose ‘ethnic’ politics and Tigreans whose identity are hidden by the ruling party in order to suppress the ratio of Tigreans in federal government. Therefore, the proportion of Amharas and Tigreans is likely to be higher.
What explains such disproportionate share of Amharas in federal workforce? History!  Its not secret that  historically administrative functions were the domain  of Amharas. Their proportion has decreased in regional states due to federalism and  change in working language that opened the room for native civil servants. But the federal system still remains the same. Under the supposedly diversified federal cabinet lies an Amhara dominated bureaucracy  in control of and running the machine.
Finally, while not equitable, women’s representation is quite reasonable. They make up 50.6%  of the whole population and  39.2% of the federal workforce.



Source: http://www.gulelepost.com/2014/09/18/ethnic-composition-of-employees-of-the-ethiopian-federal-government/
By Abebe Aynete, 
What is new in resuming tripartite talks on an Ethiopian multi-billion dollar hydroelectric dam on the Nile after eight months of disruption? Indeed the three countries, Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan have conducted talks from August 25-26 in Khartoum.
The negotiation however, was suspended in January 2014 amid mounting tension between Cairo and Addis Ababa.  
The  new development in the negotiation  has picked up where it left off at the time of its interruption, which is the formation of a committee for  implementing  the agreed proposal  involves a hydrology simulation model and a trans-boundary social, economic and environmental impact assessment.
The negotiations resumed after Prime Minister Haile Mariam Dessalegn and Egyptian President Al-Sissi’s meeting during the 23rd African Union (AU) summit in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea. 
As it is well known, it is not something new for Ethiopia and Egypt to undertake negotiations. What is new is that Egypt, which has been less than forthcoming in previous negotiations, has expressed willingness to return to the negotiation table under the new Al- Sissi government. 
Before Egypt came to the negotiation table it had been engaged in the two-track diplomacy aim to persuade the the international community to reject the dam’s construction, assuming it may lead to further conflict and instability in the Nile Basin region.
In spite of all the campaigns, Ethiopia’s position remained unwavering. Since its very beginning Ethiopia has not changed its position. Not only Ethiopia, Sudan too has not changed its position. Hence, because it was on the Egyptian side that the problem persisted, what is occurring now is clearing roadblocks on the way to an agreement. In other words, what is heard is a willingness to continue the negotiation. 
One can assume that the Al-Sissi government, in contrast to the Mursi “Muslim Brotherhood” government, has shown significant changes in its Nile policy. This inquiry reminds us of the developments that happened soon after the fall of the Mubarak government; the Egyptian public diplomacy group came to Ethiopia. This public diplomacy group carried out discussions with Ethiopian government officials and announced: “In every issue we will follow a political process that is premised on mutual benefit with our Ethiopian brothers.” They added, “as we have not now established a government, we request that you give us time to establish a government.” The government of Ethiopia, accepting this Egyptian public diplomacy group request, delayed further considerations. After a while Mursi’s government was established. However, the then established government was not able to honor the request made by the public diplomacy group. However, the Ethiopian government presented its legal development right to utilize the Nile waters to the Ethiopian parliament, which approved it. Notwithstanding, the Ethiopian government did not close the doors on negotiations. This is because the two countries had to honor the Entebbe accord.  
As the Entebbe accord or CFA Stipulates all riparian countries have the right to utilize the Nile waters in a just & rational manner. That is the major reason that forced first Ethiopia and then Rwanda  to approve the agreement in their respective parliaments. And  served as a catalyst to the Nile Basin countries to secure legal approval of the agreement. In this regard, all the Basin countries are in the same situation. The holdout Egyptians will be watched after the negotiations.
The other major development in relation to the Ethiopia Grand Renaissance Dam is the vision of sharing development with the neighboring countries, which is against Egypt's rhetorical claim of not willing to share the benefits of development. In this regard the CFA nullifies Egypt's claims. Ethiopia’s unwavering position of mutual development perfectly fits into the Entebbe accord. 
Ethiopia’s strategic position to share the development with neighboring countries applied by the land grant to Djibouti for water development. The parliament has approved the law. The approval of the law was first initiated in 2012 as a strategic union between the two countries granting the water development as part of that strategic union consideration. Therefore, the issue is related to the two countries’ agreement for a mutually advantageous economic and social relationship. The offer, which is free of charge, is to develop an underground potable water for Djibouti that could be regarded as Ethiopia’s strategy for regional peace and to ensure water security for Djibouti.
This offer also can be seen from another dimension. Djibouti’s geographic position is such that it suffers from water shortages, but Ethiopia has abundant underground water resources. Hence sharing this underground water resource with the brotherly Djiboutian people is an idea that is politically appropriate and timely. As Ethiopia has abundant water resources that have not been utilized so far, it is a moral responsibility to help brothers nearby who have a water shortage problem or indecently. 
Historically the residents living in two countries have many commonalities such as culture, language, religion and many others.  Ethiopians also have a culture  and tradition of sharing things with others. This willingness is also expressed in the foreign policy guideline, which underlines the promises of the country. With that promise, the land grant for water development was made to Djibouti. Moreover, over 50 Megawatt electric powers are being provided to Djibouti. Permitting potable water development is recognized as part of the two countries’ strategic union. 
There is an argument going that says that Ethiopian Strategy favors Djibouti. This argument needs to be seen from a different perspective. Even when there is money, a port may be unavailable.  For example, although Eritrea has two ports, it has not been able to profit from them; that is, it has no market opportunity. Even though Ethiopia currently uses  Djibouti’s port with service charges, both countries have many things in common. Secondly, as viewed from Ethiopia’s foreign policy, the import from Djibouti is not much. In contrast, Ethiopia exports a larger amount of many kinds of products to Djibouti. Therefore, the water and electric power the country provides, in addition to the economic advantage, should be seen in light of creating stable political conditions. This strategy goes with implementing the  IGAD and AU strategy of regional integration. 
The water offer to Djibouti can also be seen as Ethiopia’s effort to resolve conflicts arising from scarce natural resources.  Ethiopia’s commitment to share scarce resources fits with the country’s role on the world stage as rapporteur on Africa’s climate variability challenges.  In general, the principle is good neighborliness based on mutual concern for one another.
It also could be part of protecting regional stability. This is because often, terrorist groups exploit internal vulnerability. Terrorist acts have remained a serious security challenge in the region. As terrorism is a worldwide concern, Ethiopia as an emerging giant, cannot with folded hands say that it does not affect Ethiopia. A terrorist act that is perpetrated in a neighboring country will not fail to affect Ethiopia. In this regard, to defend the country from security threats one strategy could be developed, economic cooperation with all neighboring countries. This strategy can include sharing in development. 
Ethiopia’s engagement in fighting against Al-Shabaab is related with terrorism & protecting regional peace & security. In the first place Al-Shabaab has declared a religious war against Ethiopian. If its power was not limited, its religious war declaration would have involved other African countries besides Ethiopia. Seen of the group’s characteristic, it has been asserted that Al-Shabaab has a worldwide terrorist mission beyond Somalia. At any rate, the demand to defend against the group originated from the government of Somalia. Secondly, IGAD too decided that Ethiopia should enter Somalia. The African Union and the United Nations also have made clear they have similar positions. Other international organizations have agreed to Ethiopia’s entry into Somalia on the basis that it will have a significant effect in strengthening the peace in the region. Hence, the security building effort has resulted in relative peace in Somalia. If Ethiopia had not been engaged in fighting Al-Shabaab the current trade relationship would not be started. In general Ethiopia’s motive was to contribute its part to promote the prevalence of peace in the region, and not just focusing on Al-Shabaab. One must not forget that not Ethiopia but Kenya, Uganda and other IGAD member countries have armed forces to defend against Al-Shabaab. This indicates that sharing mutual benefit not of development, but also of peace in the region is becoming a common agenda.   
Ed.'s Note: Abebe Aynete is Head of Peace and Security Affairs Research Department at the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development. The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of The Reporter. He can be reached at abe.eiipd@gmail.com.
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አዲስ አበባ መስከረም 10/2007 የአፍሪካ እግር ኳስ ኮንፌደሬሽን /ካፍ/ የ2019 ፣ የ2021 እና 2023 የአህጉሩን ዋንጫን ለማስተናገድ የተመረጡ አገሮች  ዛሬ ይፋ አደረገ።
በዚህ መሰረት 2019 የአፍሪካ ዋንጫ  ለማዘጋጀት ካሜሮን፣2021 ኮትዲቯር፣የ2023 ደግሞ ጊኒ አንዲያዘጋጁ ተመርጠዋል፡፡
በትናንትናው ዕለት ዋንጫውን ለማስተናገድ ፍላጎት ያላቸው አገራት የማስተናገድ አቅም የሚያሳይ ፅሑፍና የ30 ደቂቃ ቪዲዮ በአፍሪካ ህብረት አዳራሽ ለካፍ አመራሮች ቀርበዋል።
አልጄሪያ፣ ካሜሮን፣ ጊኒ፣ ኮትዲቯርና ዛምቢያ ዋንጫውን ለማዘጋጀት አቅም እንዳላቸው የሚያሳይ ፅሑፍ ያቀረቡ  አገራት ናቸው።
Human Rights Watch welcomes the adoption of the outcome of the UPR on Ethiopia, which reflected many important recommendations to address human rights concerns in the country.
We welcome Ethiopia’s stated commitment to rights-based development and the government’s important efforts to improve respect for the rights of women, children, persons with disabilities, and migrant workers, as well as its longstanding support for up to 500,000 refugees.
However, the Human Rights Council’s review of Ethiopia comes at a time of increasing concern about the rights situation in the country. Ethiopia’s government refuses to acknowledge, much less investigate and respond to, many credible allegations of serious human rights violations, including arbitrary detention, torture and ill-treatment by the state security forces.
Fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution and international human rights law, particularly freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, have come under sustained and systematic assault by the government in recent years. Despite Ethiopia’s assertion that freedom of expression is thriving, the number of journalists, activists and opposition members arbitrarily detained on spurious terrorism charges continues to rise, while the number of independent media decline as media workers flee the threat of arbitrary detention and prosecution. The government has not, to our knowledge, investigated the many claims from detainees of mistreatment during detention.
Ethiopia regrettably refused to accept specific recommendations regarding amending the Charities and Societies Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. Revision of this legislation remains urgent and essential for meaningful activity by independent media and nongovernmental organizations, including election–related activities that could help improve the environment in advance of the 2015 elections. Rejecting recommendations to revise these laws quashes hopes that Ethiopia could seriously implement the general recommendations it accepted on freedom of expression, association and human rights defenders.
Finally, Human Rights Watch urges Ethiopia to strongly consider the repeated recommendation made by states at the UPR that Ethiopia welcome and invite the UN special procedures and ratify the Rome Statute, the Optional Protocols to the Convention against Torture, ICCPR, and other important treaties. As a member of the Human Rights Council, Ethiopia is expected to uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights. We regret that Ethiopia has missed the important opportunity created by the UPR to make more concrete pledges to address key shortcomings raised by many states during the UPR debate.
Source:http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/09/19/un-human-rights-council-adoption-upr-outcome-ethiopia