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Thursday, August 21, 2014

Ethiopia’s arabica coffee export earnings are forecast to climb 25% to about US$900 million (RM2.85 billion) in 2014-15 because of higher prices after a drought damaged plants in the biggest grower of the bean, Brazil, an industry group said.
Arabica prices on the Ethiopia Commodity Exchange could average US$2 a pound if supplies of the crop in the world market are tight, Ethiopian Coffee Exporters’ Association general manager Alemseged Assefa said in the capital, Addis Ababa.
Ethiopia is Africa’s biggest producer of the crop and the origin of the arabica plant.
“Prices are favourable this year because of the Brazilian coffee drought,” Alemseged said in an interview on Monday. “We presume that price will continue because of the drought.”
Arabica has surged 71% in New York since January after a drought hurt plantings in Brazil, the world’s biggest exporter of the beans, fuelling speculation that consumption may outstrip supply.
The Brazilian woes come as plantings in Central America, Mexico and Peru struggle to recover from a crop disease called leaf rust that has cut yields across the region over the past two years.
Arabica coffee for December delivery rose 1.5% to US$1.89 a pound on the ICE Futures US yesterday, tumbling 12% from a two-year high in April.
Ethiopia earned US$719 million from sales abroad of the beans in the 12 months through July 7, down 3.7% from a year earlier.
The volume of exports fell 4.1% to 191,000 metric tonnes. The country may produce about 500,000 tonnes of the beans this year, with about half of that crop sold outside the nation, Alemseged said.
Consumption within Ethiopia, sub-Saharan Africa’s second-most populous nation, accounts for the rest of sales, with the average home drinking a cup of coffee two or three times a day and coffee ceremonies a traditional way to welcome guests, according to the US agriculture department.
Prices should be in the “stable to high range” of as much as US$1.80 a pound this year, said Fekade Mamo, general manager of Mochaland Import and Export, an Addis Ababa-based coffee trader. “This deficit is real.”
An expansion of plantings in coffee-growing areas may help boost the crop, Alemseged said.
Horizon Plantations, a company owned by Ethiopian-born Saudi billionaire Mohamed al-Amoudi, bought the 10,000ha Bebeka and 12,114ha Limmu coffee farms from the Horn of African government last year.
The exporters’ association wants to bring in new buyers and start making a bigger presence in the world market at its annual conference in Addis Ababa on Nov 6-7, Alemseged said.
“There’s a great potential, excess supply,” he said. “We aim to increase our share in the global coffee market.”


Read more: http://www.therakyatpost.com/business/2014/08/21/ethiopia-gain-surging-coffee-prices/#ixzz3B4viAFLq

Abstract

Iodine deficiency remains a public health problem in Ethiopia and in the study area despite a proclamation in 2011 that all salt for human consumption should be iodized. A community-based cross-sectional study assessed prevalence of goiter and KAP of 193 randomly selected women. The mean (SD) age was 25.6 (8.1) years and the mean household size was 5.7 (2.1). Of the women 48.7% had no education, 17.6% knew some reading, 25.4% had attended or completed elementary school and 8.3% attended or completed high school. Goiter was assessed in 191 women by palpation; 23% had visible and an additional 33% had palpable goiter. Of the participants, 93.8% said they didn’t use iodized salt and 87.6% didn’t know the benefits of iodized salt. Of the 24 women who reported knowing the benefits of iodized salt, 23 said it prevents goiter but none mentioned cognitive effects. The women suggested causes of goiter to be drinking dirty water, drinking tap water, drinking rain water, but only two women said lack of iodine. The only apparent source of iodine for this population was iodized salt; however the salt contained minimal and inconsistent amounts of iodine. Lack of iodized salt may be further compounded by handling, storage, and cooking techniques. Although prevalence of goiter is high and visible in the community, knowledge of causes and prevention of iodine deficiency disorders (IDD) is minimal. Education and monitoring programs are required to combat IDD in Ethiopia.
Read more: The FASEB Journal
Understanding how much revenue a government could collect compared to what it does, helps show how best to reform revenue policy and administration.

How much revenue do countries collect? How much should they be collecting?
These might seem like straightforward questions for governments, but in reality the answer is often elusive. In this article we use the example of Ethiopia to show how tax gap analysis is paving the way for extensive revenue reforms there.
A country’s tax gap is defined as the difference between revenue potential (the theoretical amount of revenue that could be collected under the existing legal framework) and the amount of revenue that is actually collected.
Tax gap analysis is a powerful tool that highlights where governments can improve their revenue systems, particularly by:
  • Identifying any loopholes that exist in current legislation
  • Offering policy choices to governments (by expanding the tax base, introducing new taxes, or altering the rate or coverage of particular taxes)
  • Highlighting areas for administrative reform (in the collection and accounting of revenues)
Undertaking a tax gap analysis at the start of a revenue reform programme enables beneficiary governments to focus their finite resources on the most important reform areas, and gives donors and other stakeholders a clear way to chart progress during the reform effort.
In Ethiopia we have undertaken a detailed study of the country’s tax gap and revenue potential at both federal and state level, for all income streams, on behalf of the Ethiopian Revenues and Customs Authority (ERCA). This has involved extensive data collection, interpretation and analysis. The study provides the foundation with which to finance the government’s ambitious development goals, as set out in its current Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP), which aims to promote sustainable economic growth and reduce poverty.
When undertaking tax gap analyses it is important to identify all revenue streams and how these revenues are collected. A country’s revenue agency (either separate customs and taxation departments or a combined revenue authority) should be collecting the majority of revenues, but there are other government departments which also collect revenue. These are considered non-tax revenues, eg licenses, permits and royalties.
The accuracy of data recording, and how that information is shared, is of critical importance when identifying the revenue base and revenue potential of a country.
A tax gap analysis is not just about examining revenue coming in, but how it is collected, who collects it and what happens to it once it is collected. In Ethiopia, the federal system adds an additional layer of complexity when trying to identify the tax gap and revenue potential. Not only are revenues collected at the national level, but each of the nine States and two City Administrations also have the power to raise taxes and collect revenue. Our study found examples of inconsistent revenue reporting between state and federal levels.
All countries have a tax gap. No government ever collects all revenues due because the administration costs of producing 100% compliance would outweigh the revenue gains available. As an example, the tax gap in the UK is estimated at £35bn, which represents 7% of total revenue potential. The tax gap across developing countries ranges from 20-60% of total revenue potential, and our estimate of Ethiopia’s tax gap is within this range.
Our study, the first of its kind in Ethiopia, has provided detailed baseline and revenue potential figures for all revenue streams at federal and state level, and forecasts of all revenue streams for the next decade. The study has highlighted where the biggest gaps exist, thereby demonstrating to the government of Ethiopia where it should focus its resources to increase revenue collection most.
Our recommendations on how to close the gap, while detailed, are aligned with ERCA’s broader strategic goals, and include:
  • Increasing staff capacity within ERCA through human resource management and development
  • Implementing modern information systems to assist with the accounting and reporting of revenues; focusing on customer education and communication to improve voluntary compliance and encourage investment
  • Improving customer support services by streamlining processes and improving operational efficiency
  • Simplifying and harmonising tax and customs laws; and
  • Establishing modern revenue collection systems
Our tax gap work in Ethiopia has enabled the government to focus its resources on the right reforms, and has paved the way for donors to provide their support in the knowledge that reform efforts are evidence based, and well-targeted.

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Arguably, Ethiopia's nation building course is far from over. Many agree it is in fact far from being on the right track. But inarguably Ethiopia is a state - a state that has its own constitution with a clearly marked distinction between the executive, the judiciary and the legislative; a state that is playing international and regional roles of its own creed and capacity; a state that is signatory to numerous international conventions ranging from protecting individual liberty to its environment.
But if one goes by the country's recent crackdown against journalists, bloggers, opposition party members and Muslim protestors, it is compellingly easy (and tempting) to question whether the country's security apparatus is acting as if this is a failed state and getting along with it.
Following the arrest last April of six bloggers and three journalists by the city police and members of the country's intelligence under questionable circumstances, the pre-trial procedures that trailed the arrest showed that the country's legal instruments and its obligations to international rights norms such as the prohibition on arbitrary arrest and detention, the right to know the reasons for arrest, the right to legal counsel, the right to a prompt appearance before a judge to challenge the lawfulness of arrest and detention, the prohibition of torture and the right to humane conditions during pre-trial detention, as well as the prohibition on incommunicado detention have all been brutally violated by the state's own security apparatus, the police being at the forefront of it.
Under all circumstances every functioning state has the right to detain anyone that it deems possesses a threat to its people and national security. But every state, except for a failed one and a state ruled by absolute tyranny, which Ethiopia claims to be neither, has the obligation to observe the right to a fair trial of its detainees; to obey that an elementary norm of its own legal instruments and international human rights law that it's a signatory to are properly deployed.
Not only has Ethiopia its own constitution, but it's a signatory to Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which provides everyone to "be entitled to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law."
Ethiopia has also ratified Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), and International Convention on Civil & Political Rights among other treaties. Most importantly though Ethiopia has a legal framework that guarantees all international agreements that it ratified to be the integral part of the law of the land. That means, as a functioning state, Ethiopia should not only abide by its own constitution, but has international obligations to respect & protect the fundamental rights of individuals stipulated under these treaties.
Needless to say, the single most important criterion in evaluating the fairness of a trial in a functioning state is its adherence to the principle of equality of arms between the defense and the prosecution. But to the dismay of many including this magazine, the ongoing trial of the nine individuals who were held without charges for nearly three months, and were kept most of that time incommunicado during the pre-trial proceedings, show this norm being repeatedly violated by the country's security apparatus with the help of the judiciary.
The last pre-trial hearing was marred by irregularities as the police denied its suspects from appearing at the court, hence violating their right to challenge the lawfulness of their detention. The bench hearing the case has also been changed without the knowledge of defendants and that of their lawyer, which in one way or another will affect the outcome of the hearing ahead of us.
Perhaps the most alarming act of the police, however, is an act that characteristically belongs to a failed state: the act of obtaining confessions from the suspects under duress, as was told by the detainees themselves. The constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia under article 19(5) guarantees that everyone "shall not" be compelled to make confessions or admission which could be used as evidence against them. Simply put, statements obtained under coercion are automatically inadmissible at the court of law.
Furthermore, Article 27(2) of the Criminal Procedure Code says any person summoned in accordance with the law should not be compelled to answer and will be informed that he/she has the right not to answer and that any statement he/she makes may be used as evidence against him/her. In the case for the nine suspects, we have seen that their rights has been violated when the police compelled them to answer & sign on documents that is intended to be used against them. The first trial in which the suspects were formally charged with terrorism in the second week of July clearly showed us that the prosecutors intended to use the self-incriminating documents signed by the suspects under circumstances we all prefer to avoid thinking as evidences against them. The constitutionally guaranteed presumption of innocence until proven guilty is also continued to be trashed by the police, the state media, the system's sympathizers and government officials including the country's Prime Minister, who continue referring to the suspects as having established links with outlawed terrorist organizations.
As many confirm this is perhaps the most publicized case, but certainly not the only case to rob Ethiopia's judiciary of its constitutionally guaranteed independence.
Unless it's an implicit part of the trick, it is long overdue the government in Ethiopia brings an end to the contemptible treatment by its security apparatus of the country's established rule of law. For what it's worth Ethiopia is a state, not a failed state and it needs to act accordingly.
Source: allAfrica.com
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We welcome comments that advance the story through relevant opinion and data. If you see a comment that you believe is irrelevant or inappropriate, please! inform us. The views expressed in the comments do not represent those of Bloggers. 


Abstract:     


Malaria remains one of the major health problems in Ethiopia as in Sidama Zone, Southern People’s Nations and Nationalities Region. Though it fairly gets attention as a health problem, its cost on the economy stayed unnoticed. In the thesis, ‘Economic Cost of Malaria on Sidama Zone, SNNPR, Ethiopia’, an attempted has made to investigate and estimate the economic cost of malaria morbidity and mortality on households and public Health institutions in Sidama Zone. To conduct the study, cross sectional household survey of randomly selected 100 households from rural setting of Sidama Zone has been done. Data collected by interview using the structured questionnaire and interviewing key informants from March 15 – April 01, 2011. Desk review done using checklist. The study area was chosen based on the agro-ecological feature and malaria prevalence of the Zone. The collected data analyzed using SPSS software; the findings were presented using tables and graphs. It was estimated that household paid an average of 20.46birr ($1.24) for prevention and 119.91birr ($7.27) for treatment per episode. That is household’s spend 21.81% of the total direct cost for prevention and the remaining 78.19% of total direct cost for treatment. A single Household in Sidama Zone spends an average of 140.51birr ($8.52) direct cost for prevention and treatment of malaria per episode. On the other hands, an average of 7.54 productive days is wasted by the victim due to illness, and 1.82 days by the person to take care of the patient. The indirect cost for productive days wasted for seeking treatment valued 99.50birr ($6.03) per patient and 22.78birr per caretaker. A total of 122.25birr ($7.40) indirect cost wasted per household while a person is sick with malaria. Therefore, malaria withdraws 56.70% of the households’ income or households pay an average of 247.40birr ($14.99) per malaria episode from the average cumulative income of 436.33birr ($26.44) per month. Public health institutes spent an average of 1.33birr ($0.09) per household for malaria prevention and 47.27birr ($2.87) per patient for treatment. Roll Back Malaria (RBM, 2008) Global Action Plan estimated the cost of country implementation of malaria control and elimination strategies suggested roughly US$1.5-3.0 per capita per year. Generally, malaria bears huge economic cost on households and public health institutions either directly or indirectly. Besides, it was observed that public spending to subsidize malaria control action for RBM from the Zone still lower than the standard. Overall, malaria manifested as a cause for underdevelopment by consuming scarce resources of Sidama Zone.

Kassa, Wondwosen Gebeyaw, Economic Cost of Malaria on Sidama Zone, SNNPR, Ethiopia (March 7, 2013). Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2229852
በቤተሰብና በትምህርት ተቋማት አካባቢ የሕፃናትን ጠባይ ለማረም የሚወስዱ የቅጣት ዕርምጃዎች በየወቅቱ አነጋጋሪ ናቸው፡፡ አንዳንዶች ሕፃናት ካልተቀጡ፣ ካልታረሙ፣ ካልተገሰጹ ጥሩ ሥነ ምግባር አይኖራቸውም፤ ባህላችንም፣
ሃይማኖታችንም ሕፃናት እንዲቀጡና መልካም ጠባይ ኖሮአቸው እንዲያድጉ ያስተምራሉ የሚል ክርክር ያቀርባሉ፡፡ ይህንን አቋም የማይቀበሉት ሌሎቹ ደግሞ ሕፃናትን በማስተማር፣ በመንገር፣ በትዕግስት ቀርቦ በማስረዳት ካልሆነ መቅጣት አያስተምራቸውም፣ አያርማቸውም፤ እንዲያውም የሥነ ልቦና ጫና በማሳደር እንዲፈሩ፣ እንዲጨነቁና ሐሳባቸውን በነፃነት እንዳይገልጹ ያደርጋል በሚል የተቃውሞ ክርክራቸውን ያሰማሉ፡፡ ከተወሰኑ ዘመናት በኋላ ደግሞ ሕፃናትን ጠባይ ለማረምም ቢሆን መቅጣት የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥያቄ ማስነሳቱ አልቀረም፡፡ ያም ሆኖ ሕፃናትን መቅጣት አሁንም በብዙ አገሮች ሕጋዊ የሆነ ተግባር ተደርጎ የተወሰደ ይመስላል፡፡ 
ከሕፃናት መብት አንፃር አገራችን በዚህ ዘመን ከትናንቱ የተሻለ ቢሆንም ሕፃናት መቀጣታቸው፣ መቆንጠጣቸው፣ በእጅ ወይም በዱላ መመታታቸው የቀረ አይመስልም፡፡ በቀደሙት ዘመናት በቤት ውስጥ ያጠፋ ሕፃንን መግረፍ፣ በበርበሬ ማጠን፣ ቀዝቃዛ ውኃ ውስጥ መንከር፤ በትምህርት ቤትም ለረጅም ሰዓታት እንዲንበረከክ ማድረግ፣ በክፍል አለቃና በመምህር በትር መገረፍ፣ አጎንብሶና ተገልብጦ ጆሮን መያዝ የተለመዱ እንደነበሩ ብዙኃኑ የኅብረተሰብ ክፍል የሚያስታውሰው ሃቅ ነበር፡፡ አሁን ለውጡ አገራችን ከሰብዓዊ መብቶች አያያዝ ጋር ባመጣችው የባህል ለውጥ ይሁን በዘመናዊነት ወይም በዘመነ ሉላዊነት (Globalization) ተፅዕኖ ሕፃናት እንደ ድሮው ዓይነት ለከፋ ቅጣቶች አይጋለጡም፡፡ አሁንም ቢሆን ግን መቀጣት፣ መገረፍና መቆንጠጥ አልቀረላቸውም፡፡ በመገናኛ ብዙኃን አልፎ አልፎ እንደምንሰማው አንዳንድ ወላጆች ስሜታዊ በመሆን ልጆቻቸውን በመቅጣታቸው ሕፃናቱን ለአካል ጉዳት ሲከፋም ለሞት ያደረሱ መሆኑን ሰምተናል፡፡ ጸሐፊው በአንድ ወቅት በሬዲዮ የሰማው አሳዛኝ ታሪክ ለዚህ ማሳያ ነው፡፡ አባት ሦስት ብር ከኪሱ የሰረቀበትን አካለ መጠን ያልደረሰ ልጁን በስሜታዊነት ሲደበድብ ዋለ፤ ልጁም በድብደባው ብዛት ሕይወቱ አለፈ፤ አባትም ዘብጥያ ተወረወረ፡፡ ወላጅ ወይም አሳዳጊ ወይም አስተማሪ ልጁን ወይም ተማሪውን ሲቀጣ ሕፃኑን ለማረም በጠባይ ለማስተካከል እንደሆነ ቢታመንም አልፎ አለፎ ቅጣቱ በሕፃኑ አካልና ሥነ ልቦና ላይ ያለውን ውጤት ስናስተውል የቅጣቱ ዓላማ እንደማይሳካ እንረዳለን፡፡ ሕፃናትን መቅጣት ‹‹መብት›› ነውን? ሰውን መምታት፣ መግረፍና መንካት በሕግ ያልተገባ ወይም የማይፈቀድ ድርጊት ሆኖ ሕፃናት እንዲቀጡ መፍቀድ ፍትኃዊነቱ ከወዴት አለ? የአገራችንን ሕግጋት መሠረት አድርገን ሕፃናትን የመንከባከብና የመጠበቅ ኃላፊነት ያለባቸው ወላጆች ወይም አሳዳሪዎች ወይም አስተማሪዎች ሕፃናትን የመቅጣት መብት ያላቸው መሆኑን አለመሆኑንና በሕጉ የተቀመጡ የተለያዩ ገደቦችን በአጭሩ ለመመልከት እንሞክር፡፡ 
በአካል ላይ የሚፈጸም ቅጣት (Corporal Punishment)
የሕፃናት መብት ኮንቬንሽንን የሚከታተለው በተባበሩት መንግሥታት የተቋቁመው ኮሚቴ ከአካል ላይ የሚፈጸም ቅጣት ማለት በእጅ ወይም በሌላ ግዑዝ ነገር የሕፃናት ሰውነትን በመምታት፣ በመቀጥቀጥ፣ በመወርወር ቀላል የአካል ጉዳትም ቢሆን ጉዳት ማድረስ ነው፡፡ “Corporal Punishment refers to any punishment in which physical force is used & intended to cause some degree of pain or discomfort, however, light, including hitting (smacking, slapping, spanking) children” ሲል ትርጉም ይሰጠዋል፡፡ 
የተባበሩት መንግሥታት የሕፃናት መብት ኮንቬንሽን በአንቀጽ 19 ፈራሚ አገሮች ሕፃናት በቤት ውስጥ በወላጆቻቸው፣ በአሳዳሪያቸው ወይም እነሱን ለመንከባከብ ሥልጣን ባለው አካል ማንኛውም ዓይነት የአካልና የአዕምሮ ጥቃት እንዳይደርስባቸው የመጠበቅ ግዴታ ጥሎባቸዋል፡፡ 
በዚህ ድንጋጌ መሠረት ሕፃናትን በማንኛውም ዓይነት ምክንያት መቅጣት የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት ነው፡፡ የኮንቬንሽኑን አፈጻጸም የሚከታተለው ኮሚቴው እ.ኤ.አ. በ2006 ባወጣው ማብራሪያ ሕፃናትን ለማረምና ጠባይ ለማስተካከል በሚል መቅጣት ወይም መምታት የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት መሆኑን አስምሮበታል፡፡ ከትምህርት መብትም ጋር በተያያዘ በተሰጠ ሌላ የኮሚቴ አስተያየት ሕፃናትን መቅጣት በትምህርታቸው ላይ አሉታዊ ተፅዕኖ ያለውና የሚከለከል መሆኑን ገልጿል፡፡ አገራችን የሕፃናት መብት ኮንቬንሽንን የፈረመችና ያፀደቀች በመሆኑ ሕፃናትን መቅጣት የሚፈቅድ ሕግ፣ ልማድ ወይም አሠራር እንዳይኖር የማድረግ ግዴታ ተጥሎባታል፡፡
የአገራችን ሕግጋት
የተለያዩ የአገራችን ሕግጋት የሕፃናት መቀጣትን የተመለከተ ድንጋጌዎች አሏቸው፡፡ ሕገ መንግሥቱ፣ የፍትሐ ብሔር ሕጉ፣ የወንጀል ሕጉና የተሻሻሉት የቤተሰብ ሕግጋት ተጠቃሽ ናቸው፡፡ መሠረታዊ መርሁ የሚገኘው ሕገ መንግሥቱ ላይ ሲሆን ሕገ መንግሥቱ የሕፃናትን መቀጣት በመርህ ደረጃ የሚከላከል ቢመስልም የሚፈቅድበት ሁኔታ መኖሩን ካስቀመጠው ድንጋጌ መረዳት እንችላለን፡፡ የሕፃናትን መብት የሚደነግገው የሕገ መንግሥቱ አንቀጽ 36(1)(ሠ) ማንኛውም ሕፃን ‹‹በትምህርት ቤቶች ወይም በሕፃናት ማሳደጊያ ተቋሞች ውስጥ በአካሉ ከሚፈጸም ወይም ከጭካኔና ኢ ሰብዓዊ ቅጣት ነፃ የመሆን መብት አለው፤›› ሲል ይደነግጋል፡፡ ይህ ድንጋጌ ሕፃናት በአካላቸው ላይ ከሚፈጸም ቅጣት ነፃ የሚሆኑት በትምህርት ቤቶችና በማሳደጊያ ተቋማት ብቻ እንደሆነ ያስቀምጣል፡፡ ብዙ ቅጣቶች በተግባር የሚፈጸሙት በእነዚህ ተቋማት እንደመሆኑ መጠን ክልከላው የሕፃናቱን መብት የሚጠብቅ ቢሆንም፣ ክልከላው መኖሪያ ቤትን የሚመለከት አለመሆኑ ክፍተት አለበት፡፡ ሕገ መንግሥት ወላጆች፣ አሳዳጊዎች፣ የቤተሰብ አባላት ሕፃናትን ለማረም በማሰብ የሚፈጽሙትን ቅጣት ይፈቅዳል፡፡
ከሕገ መንግሥቱ በታች ያሉ ዝርዝር ሕግጋትም በተመሳሳይ መልኩ ግን ሰፋ ባለ መልኩ በልዩ ሁኔታ ሕፃናት መቅጣትን የሚፈቅዱበት ድንጋጌዎችን ቀርፀዋል፡፡ የፍትሐ ብሔር ሕጉ አካለ መጠን ያልደረሱ ልጆችን አስተዳደግና እነሱን ከመቅጣት ጋር የተያያዘ ኃላፊነትን የተመለከቱ ሁለት ድንጋጌዎች አሉት፡፡ የመጀመሪያው አንቀጽ 267(2) ሲሆን ‹‹ያደረጋቸውን ጥፋቶች በማመዛዘንና አስተዳደጉን በመጠበቅ አስተያየት ቀላል የሰውነት ቅጣቶችን አካለ መጠን ባልደረሰ ልጅ ላይ ለመፈጸም ይችላል፤›› በሚል ‹‹ቀላል የሰውነት ቅጣት››ን የሚፈቅድበት ሁኔታ አለ፡፡ ድንጋጌው የቅጣቱ ዓላማ ሕፃኑን በአግባቡ ለማሳደግና የፈጸመውን ጥፋት ለማረም የሚፈጸም መሆኑን ግልጽ አድርጓል፡፡ የሆነ ሆኖ ከቤተሰብ ሕግጋቱ መሻሻል ጋር በተያያዘ ድንጋጌው በመሻሩ ወቅታዊ ተፈጻሚነት አይኖረውም፡፡ ያም ሆኖ በተሻሻሉት የቤተሰብ ሕግጋትም ተመሳሳይ ድንጋጌ እናገኛለን፡፡ ለአብነት የፌዴራሉን የተሻሻለ የቤተሰብ ሕግ ብንወስድ ሕጉ በአንቀጽ 258(2) ‹‹አሳዳሪው አካለ መጠን ላልደረሰው ልጅ መልካም አስተዳደግ ተገቢነት ያለውን የዲሲፕሊን ዕርምጃ ለመውሰድ ይችላል፤›› ሲል ደንግጓል፡፡ የዲሲፕሊን ዕርምጃ ተግሳጽ፣ ቁጣ፣ ቀላል የሰውነት ቅጣት፣ ቁንጥጫ ወዘተን ሊያካትት እንደሚችል ልብ ይሏል፡፡
ሁለተኛው የፍትሐ ብሔር ሕጉ ድንጋጌ እስካሁን ድረስ ተፈጻሚነት ያለው ሲሆን ከውል ውጭ ኃላፊነት ሕግ ላይ የምናገኘው ነው፡፡ ሕጉ በአንቀጽ 2038(1) ‹‹አንድ ሰው ሆን ብሎ ሌላው ሰው ሳይፈቅድ በሚያደርገው መንካት በዚህ መንካቱ ጥፋተኛ ነው፤›› ሲል ቢደነግግም፣ ሕፃናትን በተመለከተ ግን በአንቀጽ 2039(ሐ) ላይ ተፈጻሚ የማይሆንበትን በግልጽ ያስቀምጣል፡፡ በዚህ ድንጋጌ መሠረት ‹‹ተከሳሹ ጥፋተኛ ነው የማይባለው ሥራው የተፈጸመው ተከሳሹ ልጁን፣ የአደራ ልጁን፣ ተማሪውን ወይም አሽከሩን በሚገባ ለመቅጣት ሲል በሰውነቱ ላይ ተገቢ የሆነውን አቀጣጥ ፈጽሞበት እንደሆነ ነው፡፡›› ስለዚህ ከውል ውጭ ኃላፊነት ሕግም ሕፃናት በመምህራቸውና በአሳዳሪያቸው እንዲቀጡ የሚፈቅድ ድንጋጌ አስቀምጧል፡፡ 
የወንጀል ሕጉም ከሌሎቹ ሕግጋት በጊዜ ቅደም ተከተል የቅርብ ቢሆንም ሕፃናቱን ከቅጣት የሚያድናቸው አልሆነም፡፡ የወንጀል ሕጉ አንቀጽ 567 እና አንቀጽ 68(2) ጣምራ ንባብ ሕፃናቱን መጉዳት ወንጀል ቢሆንም ለመልካም አስተዳደግ ከሆነ ግን በወንጀል አያስጠይቅም፡፡ የወንጀል ሕጉ አንቀጽ 567 ሙሉ ንባብ እንዲህ ይላል፡፡
567 - ለአካለ መጠን  ያልደረሱ ልጆችን መጉዳት
(1)ለአካለ መጠን ያልደረሰን ልጅ የሚጠብቅ ወይም በኃላፊነት የሚያሳድግ ማንም ሰው በማናቸውም ምክንያት ወይም ሁኔታ ልጁን የበደለ፣ ችላ ያለ፣ ከአቅሙ በላይ ያሠራ ወይም የመታ እንደሆነ ከሦስት ወር በማያንስ ቀላል እስራት ይቀጣል፡፡ 
(2)ወንጀሉ በልጁ ጤንነት፣ ደኅንነት፣ ትምህርት ወይም አካላዊ ወይም ሥነ ልቦናዊ ዕድገት ላይ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት በሚያስከትልበት ጊዜ አስፈላጊ ሲሆን ከቤተ ዘመድ ሥልጣን የመሻሩ ቅጣት እንደተጠበቀ ሆኖ ከአንድ ዓመት በማያንስ ቀላል እስራት ይቀጣል፡፡
(3)ይህ ድንጋጌ በወላጆችና ተመሳሳይ ኃላፊነት ያላቸው ሌሎች ሰዎች ለመልካም አስተዳደግ የሚወስዱትንና ሕግን የማይቃረን የዲሲፕሊን ዕርምጃን አይመለከትም፡፡ 
ወንጀል ሕጉ ከልካይም ፈቃጅም መሆኑን ልብ ይሏል፡፡ ወላጆችና ተመሳሳይ ኃላፊነት ያላቸውን ሰዎች ሕፃኑን እንዲቀጡ ይፈቅዳል፡፡
የሕግጋቱ ክፍተት
ከላይ በዝርዝር የተገለጹትን የአገራችንን የተለያዩ ሕግጋት ይዘት በጥሞና ለመረመረ ሕግጋቱ የሕፃናትን የሰብዓዊ መብት በተለይም የአካል ደኅንነት መብት፣ ከአካልና ከአዕምሮ ጥቃት የመጠበቅ መብት በማስከበር ረገድ ክፍተት እንዳለበት መረዳት ይቻላል፡፡ የክፍተቶቹ ምንጭ በዋናነት ሕፃናት በወላጆቻቸው፣ በአሳዳጊያቸው ወይም በመምህራኖቻቸው የሚቀጡበትን ሁኔታ በመፍቀድ ላይ ነው፡፡ የድንጋጌዎቹ ይዘትም ወጥነት የሌለውና የሕፃናቱን መሠረታዊ ጥቅም በማስቀደም ካልታዩ በቀር ሕፃናትን ለቅጣት ወይም ለጥቃት የሚያጋልጡ ናቸው፡፡ በዚህ ረገድ ሦስት ክፍተቶችን ለማሳየት እንሞክር፡፡ 
ቀዳሚው ሕገ መንግሥቱ አገራችን ከፈረመችው የሕፃናት መብት ኮንቬንሽን ጋር ያለው ተቃርኖ ነው፡፡ አገራችን የሕፃናት መብት ኮንቬንሽንን በመፈረም በሕፃናት ላይ በወላጆች በማናቸውም ምክንያት (ጠባይ ለማረምም ቢሆን) ቅጣት ወይም ጥቃት እንዳይደርስባቸው የመጠበቅ ግዴታ ገብታለች፡፡ ከዚህ ዓለም አቀፍ ግዴታዋ ተቃራኒ በሆነ መልኩ ሕገ መንግሥቱ በትምህርት ቤቶችና በማሳደጊያ ተቋማት ቢከለክልም በቤት ውስጥ ሕፃናት አካል ላይ የሚፈጸም ቅጣትን ይፈቅዳል፡፡ ይህም የአገራችንን ዓለም አቀፍ የሰብዓዊ መብት ግዴታ የመፈጸም ቁርጠኝነትን መና ያስቀረዋል፡፡ 
ሁለተኛው ዝርዝር ሕግጋቱ ከሕገ መንግሥቱ ጋር ካላቸው ተቃርኖ የሚመነጭ ነው፡፡ ሕገ መንግሥቱ በትምህርት ቤቶችና በማሳደጊያ ተቋማት ሕፃናት የአካል ቅጣት እንዳይደርስባቸው ይከለክላል፡፡ የፍትሐ ብሔር ሕጉና የወንጀል ሕጉ ግን ወላጆች፣ መምህራን፣ አሳዳጊና ተመሳሳይ ኃላፊነት ያላቸው ሌሎች ሰዎች ለሕፃኑ መልካም አስተዳደግ እስከሆነ ድረስ የሕፃናትን መቀጣት ይፈቅዳሉ፡፡ በተለይ የወንጀል ሕጉ ከፌዴራል ሕገ መንግሥት መውጣት፣ አገራችን የሕፃናት መብት ኮንቬንሽንን ከፈረመች በኋላ የተረቀቀና የፀደቀ ሕግ እንደመሆኑ መጠን የሕፃናቱን መብት ችላ ማለቱ ግርምት ይፈጥራል፡፡ የዝርዝር ሕግጋቱ ከሕገ መንግሥቱ ጋር መቃረናቸው የሕገ መንግሥቱ በበላይነት ወይም በቀዳሚነት መፈጸሙን አያስቀረውም የሚል የሕግ ትርጓሜ መርህ መከተል ቢቻልም የሕግጋቱ ይዘት በሕግ ማሻሻል እስካልተስተካከለ ድረስ ላለመፈጸማቸው ዋስትና አይሆንም፡፡ 
ሦስተኛው የሕፃናትን መቀጣት የሚፈቀዱት ሕግጋት የተጠቀሙባቸው ቃላትና ሐረጎች ለትርጉም አስቸጋሪና የሕፃናቱን መብት በልዩ ሁኔታውም ውስጥ ለማስከበር አዳጋች የሚያደርግ ነው፡፡ በዝርዝር ሕግጋቱ የሕፃናት ቅጣት የሚፈቀደው ‹‹ከደንበኛው ሕሊናዊ ልማድ ወሰን ካልወጣ›› (የወንጀል ሕግ አንቀጽ 68(2)፣ ‹‹ለመልካም አስተዳደግ››፣ ‹‹ቀላል የሰውነት ቅጣት››፣ ‹‹ተገቢ የሆነውን አቀጣጥ›› ወዘተ በሚሉ ለትርጉም አስቸጋሪ የሆኑ ሐረጐች ይገኛሉ፡፡ እነዚህ መስፈርቶች በማን ዕይታ ይመዘናሉ? ወላጅ ወይም መምህር ስሜታዊ ሆኖ ሕፃናቱን በሚቀጣቸው ሁኔታ መስፈርቶቹ መሟላታቸውን አብነት የሚሆነው ማነው? ለአባት ቅጣቱ ለመልካም አስተዳደግ የተገባ ቢሆን ጉዳዩን ገለልተኛ ሆኖ ለሚዳኘው ያልተገባ ሊሆን ይችላልን? ወዘተ የሚሉት ጥያቄዎች ቀላል መልስ የማያገኙና አፈጻጸሙን የሚያከብዱ ናቸው፡፡ 
እንደማጠቃለያ
ሕፃናትን መቅጣት የባህል፣ የልማድ፣ የሃይማኖት ወይም የአመክንዮ ትንተና አይኖረውም አይባልም፡፡ ሕፃናትን መገሰጽ፣ ማስተማር፣ በጎና ክፉውን እንዲለዩ ማድረግ ተገቢም፤ የሚደገፍም ነው፡፡ እንዲህ ዓይነት ቅጣት ሕፃናቱን ያርማል፣ ያስተምራል፤ በመልካም እንዲያድጉም ይረዳል፡፡ ሕፃናትን መምታት፣ መቆንጠጥ፣ መግረፍ፣ መቀጥቀጥ፣ መደብደብ፣ ቀላልና ከባድ የአካል ጉዳት ማድረስ በምንም መልኩ ሕፃናትን ሊያስተምርና ሊያርም አይችልም፡፡ በሕፃናት ሥነ ልቦና ላይ የተሠሩ ጥናቶች እንደሚያሳዩት በመመታት የሚቀጡ ሕፃናት ድንጉጥ፣ ፈሪ፣ ትምህርት የማይገባቸው፣ መምህራንን የሚፈሩ፣ ሐሳባቸውን መግለጽ የማይችሉ ወዘተ እንደሚያደርጋቸው ነው፡፡ በእርግጥ ወላጆችና መምህራን ሕፃናትን ለመጉዳት በማሰብ ይቀጣሉ አይባልም፡፡ ያም ሆኖ ግን ቅጣቱ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰት ከሆነ፣ የሕፃናቱንም የወደፊት ሁኔታና ትምህርት የሚጎዳ ከሆነ ሊታሰብበት የሚገባ ነው፡፡
ሕፃናትን በመምታት መቅጣት በኅብረተሰቡ ውስጥ የዘለቀ አስተሳሰብ በመሆኑ ልማዱን ለማስቀረት ብዙ የግንዛቤ ማስጨበጥ ሥራዎች የሚያስፈልጉ ቢሆንም፣ ቢያንስ በሕግ ደረጃ በወጥነት መብቶቻቸውን ዕውቅና መስጠት ተገቢ ነው፡፡ አካለ መጠን ያደረሰ ሰው የአካል ደኅንነት መብቱ ተጠብቆ ደካማና ጥገኛ የሆኑት ሕፃናት የአካል ደኅንነት መብት፣ ከአካላዊና አዕምሮአዊ ጥቃት የመጠበቅ መብታቸውን አለማክበር ፍትኃዊም አሳማኝም አይደለም፡፡ በዚህ ረገድ አገራችን ከፈረመችው የተባበሩት መንግሥታት የሕፃናት መብት ኮንቬንሽን አንፃር ሕፃናትን ከመቀጣት፣ ከመመታት፣ ከመጠቃት የሚጠብቅ የሕግ ማዕቀፍ ያስፈልጋታል፡፡ በአንዳንድ የምዕራብ አገሮች ልጆቻቸውን ሳይቀጡ ወይም ሳይመቱ በማስተማር ብቻ ጠባያቸውን መግራት እንደቻሉት ማኅበረሰባችንም በዚህ ረገድ ለውጥ ለማምጣት መሥራት ይኖርበታል፡፡
ከአዘጋጁ፡- ጸሐፊው የሕግ ጠበቃና አማካሪ ሲሆኑ፣ በኢሜይል አድራሻቸው getukow@gmail.com  ማግኘት ይቻላል፡፡
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