Nomonanoto Show

Saturday, August 31, 2013

የሲዳማ ከተሞች ከሆኑት ኣለታ ወንዶ፤ ዳሌ-ይርጋኣለም እና ከሃዋሳ በዘንድሮው ኣገር ኣቀፍ የከተሞች ውድድይ ምን ይጠበቃል? ዝግጅታቸው ምን ይመስላል? መረጃ ያላችሁ ሰዎች ተጋሩን።
አዲስ አበባ ፣ ነሀሴ 24 ፣ 2005 (ኤፍ ቢ ሲ) አምስተኛው የከተሞች ሳምንት  በ2006 ዓ.ም  ከህዳር 11 አሰከ 17 በባህር ዳር ከተማ ሊከበር ነው።
በአሉም  "ከተሞቻችን  የማኑፋክቸሪንግ ኢንዱስትሪ ማእከላት በመሆን የመለስን ሌጋሲ ያስቀጥላሉ" በሚል መሪ ቃል ይከበራል።
ለበአሉ አከባበር ከፍተኛ ዝግጅት በማድረግ ላይ መሆናቸውንም የከተማ ልማትና ኮንስትራክሽን ሚንስቴርና የባህርዳር ከተማ አስተዳደር  ዛሬ በጋራ በሰጡት ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ አስታውቀዋል።
 ለዚሁም በአሉ የሚመራበትን መሪ እቅድ ተዘጋጅቷል፤ ዝግጅቱን የሚያስተባብሩ የተለያዩ አደረጃጀቶችም በፌደራል፣ በክልሉ መንግስትና  በከተማዋ አስተዳደር ደረጃ ተቋቁሟል።
 የበአሉ አላማም በከተሞች መካከለ ውድድርን መፍጠርና የተሻለ አፈጻጸም ያስመዘገቡትን በማበረታታት ለሌሎች ከተሞች አርአያ አንዲሆኑ ማድረግ ነው።
 ከ17 ሺ በላይ ህዝቦች ያሉዋቸው ከ150 በላይ ከተሞች በባአሉ ይሳተፋሉም ተብሎ ይጠበቃል።
 አራተኛው የከተሞች ሳምንት በያዝነው አመት 132 ከተሞችን በማሳተፍ  በአዳማ ከተማ መከበሩ ይታወሳል።

Friday, August 30, 2013

አዲስ አበባ ነሐሴ 24/2005 የትምህርት ሚኒስቴር የ2006 ዓ.ም የትምህርት ዘመን በመንግሥት ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች በዲግሪና በመሰናዶ መርሃ ግብር የተማሪዎች መግቢያ መቁረጫ ነጥብ ዛሬ ይፋ አደረገ። በአዲሱ የትምህርት ዘመን 132 ሺህ 215 ተማሪዎች የዩኒቨርሲቲ መግቢያ ነጥብ ማግኘታቸውና ከእነዚሁ መካከል ደግሞ 103 ሺሀ 385ቱ በመንግሥት ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች በወጪ መጋራት ማዕቀፍ እንደሚመደቡ ተገልጿል። ሚኒስቴሩ ዛሬ ባወጣው መግለጫ በትምህርት ዘመኑ በመንግሥት ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች በዲግሪ መርሃ ግብር ገብተው ሊማሩ የሚችሉት ተማሪዎች 265 እና ከዛ በላይ ነጥብ ያመጡ ናቸው። ነጥቡ የትምህርት ጥራትን ማስጠበቅን፣ ኢኮኖሚው የሚፈልገውን የሰው ኃይልና የዩኒቨርሲቲዎችን የመቀበል አቅም ግምት ውስጥ ያስገባ እንደሆነ ነው የተገለጸው። በዚሁ መሰረት በተፈጥሮ ሳይንስ የትምህርት መስክ ሁሉም መደበኛ ወንድ ተማሪዎች 325 እና ከዛ በላይ ሴቶች ደግሞ 305 እና ከዛ በላይ፣ ለታዳጊ ክልልና ለአርብቶ አደር ልጆች ወንዶች 305 እና ከዛ በላይ ሴቶች 300 እና ከዛ በላይ ያመጡ በመንግሥት ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች ይደለደላሉ። በተመሳሳይ የግል ተፈታኝ የሆኑ ወንዶች 330 እና ከዛ በላይ ሴቶች 320 እና ከዛ በላይ ካመጡ በመንግሥት ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች ይደለደላሉ እንደሚደለደሉ ተገልጿል። በማህበራዊ ሳይንስ የትምህርት መስክ መደበኛ ተማሪዎች ወንዶች 285 እና ከዛ በላይ ሴቶች 280 እና ከዛ በላይ፣ ለታዳጊ ክልልና ለአርብቶ አደር ልጆች ወንዶች 275 እና ከዛ በላይ ሴቶች 270 እና ከዛ በላይ ነጥብ ያመጡ በመንግሥት ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች እንደሚደለደሉ ታውቋል። ለሁሉም መስማት የተሳናቸው 270 እና ከዛ በላይ፣ ማየት የተሳናቸው 230 እና ከዛ በላይ እንዲሁም ሁሉም የግል ተፈታኞች 290 እና ከዛ በላይ መሆኑ ተመልክቷል። በትምህርት ዘመኑ ወደ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ከሚገቡ ተማሪዎች 70 በመቶዎቹ በተፈጥሮ ሳይንስና ኢንጅነሪንግ፣ 30 በመቶዎቹ ደግሞ በማህበራዊ ሳይንስ መስክ እንደሚመደቡ ለማወቅ ተችሏል። በተፈጥሮ ሳይንስና ኢንጅነሪንግ ከሚመደቡት መካከልም 40 ነጥብ 02 በመቶ የሚሆኑት በኢንጅነሪንግ የትምህርት መስክ የሚገቡ ይሆናል። በመንግሥት ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች የመግባት ዕድል ያገኙና ነገር ግን በግል የከፍተኛ ትምህርት ተቋማት መማር የሚፈልጉ ተማሪዎች በፍላጎታቸው መሰረት መማር እንደሚችሉም ሚኒስቴሩ አስታውቋል። ማለፊያ ነጥብ አግኝተው በመንግሥት ዩኒቨርሲቲ መመደብ ያልቻሉ ተማሪዎች በግል ዩኒቨርሲቲዎች በተለዩ መርሃ ግብሮች መማር እንደሚችሉም አመልክቷል። የማለፊያ መቁረጫ ነጥብ ያላገኙ ተማሪዎች ራሳቸውን አዘጋጅተው በ2006 ዓ.ም የትምህርት ዘመን በግል ተመዝግበው ሊፈተኑ እንደሚችሉ ሆኖም በአንድ ሰርቴፊኬት የተገኘው ውጤት ብቻ እንደሚሰላ ሚኒስቴሩ አስታውቋል። በተመሳሳይ በ2005 ዓ.ም የኢትዮጵያ አጠቃላይ ሁለተኛ ደረጃ ትምህርት ማጠናቀቂያ ሰርተፊኬት ፈተና የወሰዱ የሁሉም ክልሎች የመደበኛና የማታ ተማሪዎች የመሰናዶ መርሃ ግብር መግቢያ ነጥብ ለወንዶች 2 ነጥብ 71 እና ከዛ በላይ ለሴቶች 2 ነጥብ 29 እና ከዛ በላይ ሆኗል። ማየትና መስማት ለተሳናቸውና ልዩ ፍላጎት ላላቸው የመሰናዶ መርሃ ግብር መግቢያ ነጥብ 2 ነጥብ 14 እና ከዛ በላይ መሆኑን ሚኒስቴሩ አመልክቷል። ልዩ ድጋፍ በሚደረግላቸው ታዳጊ ክልሎች ሶማሌ፣ አፋር፣ ጋምቤላና ቤኒሻንጉል ጉሙዝ ክልሎች ሆነው በዚያው ለተፈተኑ እንዲሁም በኦሮሚያና በደቡብ ብሄር ብሄረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች ክልል በተለዩ ዞኖችና ወረዳዎች ለሚኖሩ የአርብቶ አደር ልጆች ለወንዶች 2 ነጥብ 29 እና ከዛ በላይ ለሴቶች 2 ነጥብ 14 እና ከዛ በላይ እንደሆነ ተገልጿል። ፈተናውን በግል ከወሰዱ ተፈታኞች መካከልም 2 ነጥብ 86 እና ከዛ በላይ ያስመዘገቡ ወንዶች እንዲሁም 2 ነጥብ 29 እና ከዛ በላይ ያስመዘገቡ ሴቶች በመደበኛ መሰናዶ መርሃ ግብር እንዲማሩ ይደረጋል። የግል ተፈታኞቹ ውጤት በ2005 ዓ.ም የአንድ ሰርተፊኬት ውጤት የሚሰላ ሆኖ እንግሊዝኛና ሂሳብን ጨምሮ የተሻለ ውጤት ያስመዘገቡባቸው ሌሎች አምስት የትምህርት ዓይነቶች ውጤት ተደምሮ ለሰባት በማካፈል እንደሆነም ተብራርቷል። የመሰናዶ መርሃ ግብር ምደባው 70 በመቶ በተፈጥሮ ሳይንስና 30 በመቶ ደግሞ በማኅበራዊ ሳይንስ መስክ እንደሆነም የሚኒስቴር መሥሪያ ቤቱ መግለጫ አመልክቷል።
http://www.ena.gov.et/Story.aspx?ID=11401&K=1

Thursday, August 29, 2013

አዲስ አበባ ፣ ነሃሴ 23 ፣ 2005 (ኤፍ ቢ ሲ) የ10ኛ ክፍል ማጠቃለያና የ12ኛ ክፍል መሰናዶ ማለፊያ ነጥብ ውጤትን ነገ ይፋ እንደሚያደርግ የትምህርት ሚኒስቴር አስታወቀ።
የዩኒቨርስቲ መግቢያና ወደ መሰናዶ ማለፊያ ነጥብን ለመወሰን  ፥ የዩኒቨርስቲዎችን ቀጣይ የመቀበል አቅም ከግምት ውስጥ በማስገባት መወሰኑንም ነው ሚኒስቴሩ የገለጸው።
በአጠቃላይ 548 ሺህ 138 ተማሪዎች የ10 ክፍል ማጠናቀቂያ ፈተናውን ወስደው 70 በመቶዎቹ 2 ነጥብ እና ካዛ በላይ ውጤት ሲያስመዘግቡ ፥ በተመሳሳይም የ12ኛ ክፍልን የዩኒቨርስቲ መግቢያ ፈተናን ከወሰዱት መካከል 70 በመቶ የሚሆኑት ተፈታኞች ከ350 ነጥብ በላይ ውጤት ማስመዝገባቸውን ቀደም ሲል  የሀገር አቀፍ የትምህርት ምዘናና የፈተናዎች ኤጀንሲ አስታውሷል ።
በነገው እለትም የሁለቱም ፈተናዎች የመቁረጫ ውጤት ይፋ ይደረጋል ተብሏል።

Wednesday, August 28, 2013

Addis Ababa, 27 August  2013 (WIC) - South Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Movement pledges to further build sustainable development in the region. This came as SEPDM Central Committee meeting came to conclusion on 26 August. 
The Central Committee made discussion as of 24 August in Hawassa on the political and organization performance of the movement. The focus was on development and good governance issues.
The Committee concluded the performance of the GTP, in agriculture, employment, civil service reform and other sectors, were satisfactory. It lauded the people of the region and its members for the performance it dubbed positive. 
The green development happening in the state has so far been great, it said, and it is in line with the late Meles Zenawi’s vision of doing so. 
Probing into performances of the health and education sector, it appreciated the performance but demanded more to be done in those sectors to meet the targets set. 
The Central Committee set out mechanism that sets specific plan to combat terrorism in some parts of the state. 
The Committee called on the public to do the best it can to expand the best experiences in all sectors in 2006 EC fiscal year. 
It demands its party official’s to do more to overcome the shortcomings to secure better results in the sectors the state saw weak performance in the last fiscal year. 
According to ERTA, it says the people in the region need to intensify its active involvement in the development endeavours of the state as triumph over poverty is near in sight.
ጉድለት መኖሩና ስህተት መፈጸም ምንጊዜም የትም ያለ ነው፡፡ ዋናው ጉዳይ ጉድለት ለምን ታየ? ስህተት ለምን ተፈጸመ? የሚለው አይደለም፡፡
ችግራችንንና ጉድለታችንን ዓይተንና መርምረን እናስተካክላለን ወይ? የሚለው ነው ዋናው ጉዳይ፣ ዋናው ቁም ነገር፡፡ 
መንግሥትም እንደ መንግሥት ጉድለት አለበት ስህተት ይፈጽማል፡፡ ገዥው ፓርቲም እንደ ገዥ ፓርቲ ስህተት ይፈጽማል ጉድለት አለበት፡፡ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎችም ጉድለት አለባቸው ስህተት ይፈጽማሉ፡፡ የግል ዘርፉ ጉድለት አለበት ስህተት ይፈጽማል፡፡ ሲቪል ማኅበረሰቡም ጉድለት አለበት ስህተት ይፈጽማል፡፡ መገናኛ ብዙኃንም ስህተት ይፈጽማሉ ጉድለት አለባቸው፡፡
ግን! ነገር ግን! እነዚህ አካላት የራሳቸውን ስህተትና ጉድለት ያውቃሉ? ያያሉ? ወይስ በሌላው ስህተትና ጉድለት ላይ ብቻ ነው የሚያተኩሩት? የራሳቸውን ስህተት መረዳትና ማወቅ ብቻ ነው ወይስ ለማስተካከል ይጥራሉ? ይታገላሉ? 
የእኛ ፅኑ ዕምነት ሁላችንም ስህተታችንንና ጉድለታችንን ዓይተን፣ አውቀንና አምነን ብናስተካክል አገራችን የትና የት ትደርስ ነበር የሚል ነው፡፡ 
መንግሥት ከቃላት ባሻገር ከልብ በተግባር በመልካም አስተዳደር ላይ በተጨባጭ የሚታየው ጉድለትና ስህተት ምንድነው? ዲሞክራሲን እውን ለማድረግ፣ ሰብዓዊ መብት ለማክበር፣ ፍትሕ ለማንገስ፣ የፕሬስ ነፃነትን ዳር ለማድረስና ሙስናን ለማስወገድ ተጨባጭ ድክመቴ ምንድነው? ብሎ ለማወቅ ቢረባረብና ለማረም ቢታገል ትልቁ የአገር ችግር ይፈታል፡፡ አመቺ የሥርዓት ግንባታ ይዘረጋል፡፡ በሁሉም መስክ ታሪካዊ ለውጥ እውን ለማድረግ ጉዞው ቀላልና ብርሃን ይሆናል፡፡ 
ተቃዋሚዎች ራሳቸው የትም ይኑሩ የት በመንግሥት በኩል ያለውን ጉድለት ብቻ ለማየት ከመረባረብ ባሻገር ምን ዓይነት ጉድለትና ስህተት አለብን? ብለው ቢፈትሹ መልካም ነው፡፡ እኛ ተቃዋሚዎች የፖለቲካ ፕሮግራም አለን ወይ? የተሻለ ፖሊሲ ይዘናል? ማስፈጸሚያ ስትራቴጂ አለን ወይ? ውስጣዊ ዲሞክራሲ አለን ወይ? እየተደረጀን ነው ወይ? ከሙስና የፀዳን ነን ወይ? ለሥልጣን ብለን የጠላት መሣሪያ እየሆንን ነን ወይ? ስህተትን ስናወግዝ አዎንታዊ ነገሮችን አንቀበልም? አናምንም? ወዘተ እያሉ ቢፈትሹና ቢመረምሩ የት በደረሱ? ስህተቶቻቸውን  በተግባር ቢያስተካክሉ ኢትዮጵያ እውነትም ጠንካራ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ይኖሯት ነበር፡፡ ሕዝብም ያከብራቸው ነበር፡፡ በምርጫም የላቀ ተወዳዳሪ በሆኑ ነበር፡፡ 
የግል ዘርፉ አባላትም የመንግሥትና የሌላውን ጉድለትና ስህተት ከማየት ባሻገር በራሳችንስ ምን ዓይነት ጉድለትና ስህተት አለ ብለው ቢፈትሹ የተሻለ ነው፡፡ በሕጋዊ ፈቃድ እየሠራን ነው ወይ? ግብር በወቅቱና በሕጉ መሠረት እንከፍላለን ወይ? ከሙስና የፀዳን ነን ወይ? ለአገር እንቆረቆራለን ወይ? ከሕገወጥ ተግባር የራቅን ነን ወይ? ለልማት የቆምን ነን ወይ? ብለው ቢፈትሹና በዚህ ዙሪያ ያለውን ድክመትና ስህተት ለይተውና አርመው ቢጓዙ፣ የአገራችን የግል ዘርፍ ድርሻ እጥፍ ድርብ በሆነ ነበር፡፡
ሲቪል ማኅበረሰቡም ስህተቶችን በመንቀስና በደል ተፈጸመብን ከሚለው ባሻገር በላቀ ደረጃ ውስጣቸውን እየፈተሹ ሕግ እናስከብራለን ወይ? ለሕዝብ እየሠራ ነን ወይ? ከሙስና የፀዳን ነን ወይ? እያሉ ጉድለታቸውንና ስህተታቸውን አርመው ቢጓዙ እጥፍ ድርብ አስተዋፅኦ ባደረጉ ነበር፡፡ 
መገናኛ ብዙኃንም ተበድለናል፣ ተረግጠናል ከማለት ባሻገር እኛ ራሳችን ሕግ እያከበርን ነን ወይ? እኛ ራሳችን የሙያ ብቃትና የሥነ ምግባር አቅም አለን ወይ? እኛ ለሕዝቡ በትክክል እውነቱን እየነገርነው ነን ወይ? እኛ ራሳችን ከአሽከርነት፣ ከሙስና፣ ከተላላኪነትና ከመሣሪያነት ተላቀን በቅድሚያ ሕዝብን ለማገልገል ተነስተናል ወይ? ለሕገ መንግሥቱ ቆመናል ወይ? ብለው ቢፈትሹና ስህተታቸውን በማረም ተደራጅተውና ተጠናክረው ቢሠሩ ሕዝቡ እጥፍ ድርብ በተጠቀመ ነበር፡፡ ሕዝብ ትክክለኛ መረጃ እያገኘ በአገሩ ጉዳይ የላቀ ድርሻ በኖረው ነበር፡፡
የፍትሕ አካላት ለሕገ መንግሥት የቆምን ነን ወይ? ሕዝብን እያገለገልን ነን ወይ? ከሙስና የፀዳን ነን ወይ? ብለው ፈትሸው ችግራቸውን ለይተው፣ አርመውና አስተካክለው ቢሠሩ ኖሮ ኢትዮጵያ የፍትሕ አምባ በሆነች ነበር፡፡
ከመንግሥት እስከ ግለሰብ ድረስ በአገር ላይ ሁሉም ድርሻ አለው፡፡ የሌላውን ድክመትና ጉድለት በማሳየት በሰላማዊና በዲሞክራሲያዊ መንገድ እንዲያስተካከልና ችግሩን እንዲፈታ ማድረግ ተገቢ ነው፡፡ የሌላውን ስህተት አትጠቁሙ፣ አትታገሉ እያልን አይደለም፡፡ 
ይህ እንዳለ ሆኖ የውስጣችንን ችግርም እንይ፡፡ ‹‹የጥበብ መጀመሪያ›› የራሳችንን ችግር ዓይተንና ለይተን ድክመታችንንና ስህተታችንን አውቀን በተግባር በማረም የራስን ድርሻ መወጣት ተገቢ ነው፡፡ 
መንግሥት የድርሻውን ሚና የሚጫወተው ከድክመት ተላቆ ሲጠናከር ነው፡፡ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች የድርሻቸውን የሚጫወቱት ከድክመት ተላቀው ሲጠናከሩ ነው፡፡ የግል ዘርፉ በአገር ጉዳይ ልዩ ሚና መጫወት የሚችለው የራሱን ድክመት ዓይቶ ተጠናክሮ ሲሠራ ነው፡፡ የፍትሕ አካላት ለሕገ መንግሥት ተገዥ ሆነው ፍትሕ እንዳይጣስ የሚያደርጉት ከድክመት ተላቀው ሲጠናከሩ ነው፡፡ መገናኛ ብዙኃን የሕዝብ አገልጋይ የሚሆኑት ድክመታቸውን አውቀውና አርመው ሲስተካከሉ ነው፡፡ ሲቪል ማኅበረሰቡ የድርሻውን ሚና የሚጫወተው ከድክመት ተላቆ ሲጠናከር ነው፡፡
ሁላችንም ለአገራችንና ለሕዝባችን የመሥራት ግዴታ አለብን፡፡ በላቀ ደረጃ ለመሥራትና ሕዝብን ለማገልገል ራሳችንን እናጠናክር፡፡ ራሳችንን በማጠናከር ስህተታችንና ድክመታችንን እናርም፡፡ 
በዚህ መንፈስ ስንነሳ ነው ዕድገት፣ ልማት፣ ዲሞክራሲና ፍትሕ የሚሰፍነው፡፡ ሁላችንም ድክመታችንንና ጉድለታችንን አውቀን፣ አርመንና ተጠናክረን ብንሠራ ኢትዮጵያችን የትና የት ትደርስ ነበር? ይህንን በተግባር ካዋልነው አገራችን ካሰብነው ቦታ ትደርሳለች!   http://www.ethiopianreporter.com/index.php/editorial/item/3073-%E1%88%81%E1%88%8B%E1%89%BD%E1%8A%95%E1%88%9D-%E1%8C%89%E1%8B%B5%E1%88%88%E1%89%B3%E1%89%BD%E1%8A%95%E1%8A%95-%E1%8A%A0%E1%8B%8D%E1%89%80%E1%8A%95-%E1%89%A5%E1%8A%93%E1%88%B5%E1%89%B0%E1%8A%AB%E1%8A%AD%E1%88%8D-%E1%8A%96%E1%88%AE-%E1%8A%A2%E1%89%B5%E1%8B%AE%E1%8C%B5%E1%8B%AB%E1%89%BD%E1%8A%95-%E1%8B%A8%E1%89%B5%E1%8A%93-%E1%8B%A8%E1%89%B5-%E1%89%A0%E1%8B%B0%E1%88%A8%E1%88%B0%E1%89%BD-%E1%8A%90%E1%89%A0%E1%88%AD?

ከመንግሥት ቤቶች ኤጀንሲ በተነሱት ከፍተኛ አመራሮች የሥልጣን ዘመን የወጡ መመርያዎችና የመሠረታዊ የሥራ ሒደት ለውጥ ትግበራዎች እንዲታገዱ ትዕዛዝ  ተሰጠ፡፡
የወጡት መመርያዎችና የመሠረታዊ የሥራ ሒደት ለውጥ ጥናቶችን ተግባራዊ ለማድረግ የተሠሩ ሥራዎች በሙሉ እንዲታገዱ ትዕዛዝ የሰጠው የከተማ ልማት፣ ቤቶችና ኮንስትራክሽን ሚኒስቴር ነው፡፡ ሚኒስቴሩ ለጉዳዩ ትኩረት በመስጠት መመርያዎቹ የወጡበት መንገድና የመሠረታዊ የሥራ ለውጡ ተጠንቶ እንዲቀርብለት ጨምሮ አዟል፡፡
ምንጮች እንደገለጹት፣ ኤጀንሲው መመርያ በማውጣት በኩል ያለው ሥልጣን ጥያቄ ውስጥ ገብቷል፡፡ የመሠረታዊ የሥራ ሒደት ለውጥ (ቢፒአር) ጥናት የተገበረው ሚኒስቴሩን ሳያማክርና ሚኒስቴሩ ሳያፀድቀው ነው ተብሏል፡፡ 
በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ኃይለ ማርያም ደሳለኝ ፊርማ ከሥልጣናቸው የተነሱት የመንግሥት ቤቶች ኤጀንሲ ሥራ አስኪያጅ አቶ ተፈሪ ፍቅሬ፣ ምክትል ሥራ አስኪያጆች አቶ ኃይሉ ሐደሬና አቶ ገብሩ ባይልብኝ፣ እንዲሁም የቤቶች አስተዳደር የሥራ ሒደት ባለቤት የነበሩትና ተቀይረው ወደ ጥቃቅንና አነስተኛ ኤጀንሲ የተዛወሩት አቶ ኪዳኔ ሥዩም ናቸው፡፡ 
በእነዚህ ከፍተኛ አመራሮች የሥልጣን ዘመን ከወጡት መመርያዎች ውስጥ እጅግ አነጋጋሪ ሆኖ የቆየውና እስካሁን ትኩሳቱ ያልበረደው የአከራይ ተከራይ፣ የቤቶች አሰጣጥ፣ የጥገናና ፈቃድ አሰጣጥ መመርያዎች ይጠቀሳሉ፡፡
በተለይ የአከራይ ተከራይ መመርያ ወጥቶ ተግባራዊ በሆነበት ወቅት በተለያዩ የከተማዋ ክፍሎች ቀውሶች መፈጠራቸው አይዘነጋም፡፡ ይህ መመርያ የወጣበት ምክንያት በወቅቱ እንደተገለጸው፣ ከኤጀንሲው ቤቶች የተከራዩ የንግዱ ማኅበረሰብ አባላት ሸንሽነው ለሌሎች ነጋዴዎች አከራይተዋል፡፡ ይህ አሠራር የኤጀንሲውን ሕግጋት ይፃረራል በሚል ነው፡፡ በወቅቱ በተወሰደው መጠነ ሰፊ ዕርምጃ በርካታ ቅሬታዎችና አለመግባባቶች ተፈጥረው እንደነበር አይዘነጋም፡፡
በወቅቱ የተወሰደውን ዕርምጃ በመቃወም በርካታ የንግዱ ማኅበረሰብ አባላት ይመለከታቸዋል ላሏቸው የመንግሥት መሥሪያ ቤቶች ቅሬታ ሲያሰሙ ቆይተዋል፡፡ የጉዳዩ አካሄድ ፈሩን የሳተ መሆኑን ዘግይቶ የተረዳው የከተማ ልማት፣ ቤቶችና ኮንስትራክሽን ሚኒስቴር ይህ መመርያ እንዲታገድና የአቤቱታ አቅራቢዎች ጉዳይ ተመርምሮ ማስተካከያ እንዲደረግ አዟል፡፡
በዚህ መሠረት የመንግሥት ቤቶች ኤጀንሲ ተጠባባቂ ሥራ አስኪያጅ ሆነው የተሾሙት አቶ ኃይለ ማርያም ዓለምሰገድ፣ በማዕከል ደረጃና በቅርንጫፎች እስከ ነሐሴ 15 ቀን 2005 ዓ.ም ድረስ የአቤቱታ አቅራቢዎች ጉዳይ እንዲጣራ ማድረጋቸው ተገልጿል፡፡ በመንግሥት ቤቶች ኤጀንሲ ብልሹ አሠራር ሰፍኗል በሚል የበጀት ዓመቱ ከተጠናቀቀ በኋላ ጠንከር ያለ ግምገማ ሲካሄድ ቆይቷል፡፡ በግምገማው ወቅት የኤጀንሲው ኃላፊዎች የመንግሥት መሥሪያ ቤቶች ለሠራተኞቻቸው እንዲሰጥ የሚፈቀደውን መኖርያ ቤት በተከራዩ ግለሰቦች ስም ማዞር፣ የአከራይ ተከራይ መመርያን እንደ መልካም አጋጣሚ በመጠቀም የግል ጥቅም ማሳደድ፣ በአገልግሎት አሰጣጥ፣ በመልካም አስተዳደር ችግሮችና ተቋሙን ተናብቦና ተባብሮ በመሥራት በኩል ችግር ተፈጥሯል የሚል ነው፡፡
የኤጀንሲው ከፍተኛ አመራሮች በእነዚህ ጉዳዮች ቢገመገሙም በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ የተጻፈው ደብዳቤ  ግን አመራሮቹ በሥራ ላይ በነበሩበት ጊዜ ምሥጋና አቅርቦ ከማሰናበት በስተቀር ያለው ነገር እንደሌለ ምንጮች ተናግረዋል፡፡
ከእነዚሁ ጉዳዮች ጋር ባልተለየ መንገድ በመሠረታዊ የሥራ ሒደት ለውጥ ትግበራ ከፍተኛ ችግር ተፈጥሯል ተብሏል፡፡ በጊዜያዊና በቋሚ የሥራ መደቦች ሠራተኞች በሚመደቡበት ወቅት ከሠራተኞች ተቋውሞ ተነስቷል፡፡ “የመሠረታዊ የሥራ ሒደት ለውጥ ትግበራ ሳይንሳዊ መንገድ ያልተከተለ ነው፤” ሲሉ ስማቸውን መግለጽ ያልፈለጉ በኤጀንሲው ውስጥ ለ25 ዓመታት የሠሩ ሰው የቢፒአር አተገባበሩን በሕገ ወጥነት ይፈርጁታል፡፡ “ግማሹ መኪና ሲከፋፈል፣ ግማሹ ደመወዙን ሲያሳድግ፣ ግማሹ የሞባይል ካርድ ሲከፋፈል፣ እኛ ለአምስት ዓመታት ያለ አንዳች የደመወዝ ጭማሪ እየኖርን ነው፤” ሲሉ እኚሁ ሠራተኛ የኤጀንሲውን ብልሹ አሠራር በትዝብት ይገልጻሉ፡፡ 
የመንግሥት ቤቶች ኤጀንሲ አሁን እስካለበት አደረጃጀት ድረስ ከመድረሱ በፊት በተለያዩ መዋቅሮችና የስም ለውጦች ሲያደርግ ቆይቷል፡፡ ኤጀንሲው የተቋቋመው የቻለው ሐምሌ 19 ቀን 1967 ዓ.ም የከተማ ቦታና ትርፍ ቤት የመንግሥት ንብረት ባደረገው አዋጅ ቁጥር 47/67 መሠረት ነው፡፡ በዚህ አዋጅ በርካታ ውርስ ቤቶችን ሲያስተዳድር የቆየው ኤጀንሲው ለረዥም ጊዜ በሥራ አመራር ቦርድ እየተመራ ነበር፡፡ በአሁኑ ወቅት ግን ኤጀንሲው ከዚህ አሠራር ውጭ ሆኖ ተጠሪነቱ ለከተማ ልማት፣ ቤቶችና ኮንስትራክሽን ሚኒስቴር ነው፡፡

Tuesday, August 27, 2013

አዲስ አበባ ፣ ነሀሴ 20 ፣ 2005 (ኤፍ ቢ ሲ) ወደ ሀዋሳ ከተማ የሚገቡ የኮንትሮባንድ እቃዎች መጠን በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ  እየጨመረ መምጣቱን የከተማዋ ነዋሪዎች ይገልፃሉ ።
ነዋሪዎቹ በዋናነት ከኬንያ ተነሰተው በተለያዩ አቅጣጫዎች ወደ ከተማዋ  እየገቡ ያሉት የኮንትሮባንድ እቃዎች ህጋዊ ነጋዴዎችን ከመጉዳቱም በላይ የንግድ ውድድሩ ላይ አሉታዊ ተጽህኖ እየፈጠረ እንደሚገኝም ነው የሚናገሩት።
እቃዎቹን ሰውሮ የማስገባት ስልቱ  በየጊዜው እየተቀያየረ መምጣቱን እና አንዳንድ የፍታሻ ጣቢያዎች ላይ የቁጥጥር ሂደቱ መላላቱን ነው ነዎሪዎች የሚጠቅሱት ።
እነዚህ እቃዎች በምንም መንገድ ይግቡ እንጂ ህገወጥ በመሆናቸው  መንግስት ከቀረጥ ማግኘት ያለበትን ከፍተኛ ገቢ በማሳጣት አሉታዊ ተጽእኖ እንደሚያሳድሩ ያነጋገርናቸው ባለሙያዎች ያስረዳሉ።
የንግድ ውድድሩ ላይ ሳንካ በመፍጠር ህጋዊውን ነጋዴ በማዳከም ከሚፈጥሩት ጫናም ባለፈ ፥  ተገቢውን ፍተሻ እና የጉምሩክ ሰርዓትን ተከተለው ወደ ገበያ ባለመግባታቸው  በሰው ጤና እና ንብረት ላይም የከፋ ጉዳት እንደሚያደርሱም ይታወቃል።
በተለይ ልባሽ ጫማና የተለያዩ ኤሌክቶሮኒክስ ውጤቶች  ከሌሎቹ የበለጠውን ድርሻ የሚይዙ ሲሆን ፥ ይህ በመሆኑም ህጋዊ መንገድን ተከትለው የሚንቀሳቀሱ ነጋዴዎች ሁኔታው ነገሮችን አስቸጋሪ እንዳደረገባቸው እና ጉዳዩ በአቋራጭ የመበልጸግ ስልት ተደርጎ እየተወሰደ በመሆኑም የሚመለከተው አካል መፍትሄ እንዲወስድም ነው የጠየቁት።
የሀዋሳ ከተማ ምክትል ከንቲባና የንግድ ኢንዱስትሪ ፅህፈት ቤት ሀላፊ በነዋሪው የተነሳውን ቅሬታ በመቀበል ፥ ችግሩን ለማስወገድ በዋናነት ህገወጥ የኮንትሮባንድ እንቅስቃሴ በሀገር ላይ የሚያደርሰውን ችግር ማሳወቅ ቀዳሚ መሆኑን ጠቅሰዋል።
በእርግጥ ለውጦች እየመጡ እንደሚገኙ ያወሱት ሃላፊው ፥ በአሁኑ ወቅትም ይህንን ስራ ሲያከናውኑ የነበሩ ሀይሎችን ወደ ህጋዊ መስመር የማስገባት ስራም መጀመሩን ተናግረዋል።
በኢትዮጰያ ገቢዎችና ጉምሩክ ባለስልጣን የሀዋሳ ቅርንጫፍ ምክትል ስራ አስኪያጅ አቶ ሀጎስ አባይ በበኩላቸው ፥በ2005 ዓ.ም በተለያዩ አቅጣጫዎች ወደ ሀዋሳ ሊገቡ ሲሉ የተያዙ እና 62 ሚሊዮን ብር የሚገመቱ የኮንትሮባንድ እቃዎች በቁጥጥረ ስር መዋላቸውን አስረድተዋል።
በዚህም በተጠናቀቀው በጀት አመት በህገ ወጥ የኮንትሮባንድ እንቅስቃሴው ውስጥ ከተገኙት 90 ከመቶው የሚሆኑትን ማስቀጣት የተቻለ ሲሆን ፥ የፍርድ ሂደቱን በሀዋሳ ፣ ዲላ ፣ ሻሸመኔ ፣ ሮቤና የኮንትሮባንድ እንቅስቃሴው ሲፈጸም በተገኙባቸው አካባቢዎች እንደተከናወነም ነው የገለጹት።
የኣቶ ኃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ ኣስተዳደር ባለፉት ኣስር ኣመታት ኣገሪቷ ያስመዘገበችውን የኢኮኖሚ ቁጥር እድገት መድገም ኣልቻለም፤ ለምቀጥሉት ሶስት ኣመታት የኣገሪቱ እድገት ከ7% እንደማይዘል የዓለም ባንክ ሪፖርት ኣመለከተ።
ለተጨማሪ ከታች ያንቡ

World Bank: Ethiopia's Economy to grow 7% a Year

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Ethiopia's economy is to grow 7 percent a year over the next three to five years, the World Bank forcasted. The growth is below its average of the last decade, and to push that rate higher, the government needs to change policy to encourage private investment, the Bank said.
"We still think growth could be robust - in the order of 7 percent in the medium term would not be unexpected," said Lars Christian Moller, the bank's lead economist in Ethiopia, in an interview with Reuters.
Moller said Ethiopia's US$43 billion economy would need to repeat its performance of the last 10 year to make it into the middle income country's category - defined by the bank as one with a gross national income (GNI) per capita of around $1,430 - in 12 years, Reuters reported.
Source: Reuters
Binyam Taye, 29, a teller in one of the branches of the Awash International Bank, located around the National Theatre, usually eats his lunch in one of the informal restaurants, called mother bet. These have become increasingly popular for their relatively fair prices.
Challenged by his fixed income, Binyam is forced to eat his lunch and sometimes his dinner at the informal restaurant, paying 15 Br on average for one meal, since 2010.
"The price is much cheaper than in common restaurants; this has helped me a lot to allocate my monthly income properly", Binyam told Fortune, while eating his lunch at the one of the mother bets located around Ras Abebe Aregay Street, close to the National Theatre.
Informal restaurants - like the one Binyam regularly visits, owned by Tiruwork Negatu, a 70-year-old mother of seven - have become increasingly popular. Most of these venues are owned by older women, thus their rather unambiguous name.
Tiruwork runs the business for more than 24 years. However, since 2008, her business boost up for the reason unknown for her.
"I used to host 50 individuals each day, five years ago," Tiruwork told Fortune. "But now my customers have almost doubled, to close to 100."
Binyam is one of the customers who has been eating at Tiruwork's restaurants for the last two years.
"When I started working at the Bank, I used to go to a restaurant nearby, paying 25 Br for each lunch," said Binyam. "After switching to Tiruwork's place, however, my expenses have declined to 15 Br on average."
Tiruwork remembers the cheaper prices she set when she first joined the business, two decades ago.
"I used to sell food for close to one Birr. I had doro wot [chicken stew] for five Birr. I also had many other kinds of foods on my menu, along with a breakfast programme. But now the number of dishes has dwindled down to three and the price has also increased," she told Fortune.
Most of the restaurants operating in Addis Abeba and other urban areas started to increase their rates dramatically following the unprecedented rise in food prices five years ago. At that time, the food inflation in the country soared to an exceptional level, on average 60pc higher than twelve months earlier.
Ethiopia had not suffered from high inflation prior to 2008. The annual average inflation was only 5.2pc between 1980/81 and 2007/08. The highest inflation episodes of 18.2pc, 21.1pc and 15.5pc, respectively, occurred during the 1984/85 fiscal year, due to severe drought; in 1991/92, at the peak of war with Eritrea and in 2003/04, following drought.
Food prices then began to fall until December 2008, when the food inflation rate, largely influenced by the international price increment on food items, reached 60pc. Similarly, the non-food index reached 21.9pc, while the total inflation rate was 44.4pc.
Although the inflation rate slowed over the next two years, reaching three percent on average, it started to increase again. The food inflation rate in August 2011 reached 53pc, closer to the 2008.
However, in 2013, it declined below 10pc for the first time since December 2008 figure.
Although individuals, like Binyam, with a fixed income, have been particularly affected by the food price shock, the moment also created an opportunity for the so called mother bets. These are mostly owned by older women, looking to expand their business further.
Tiruwork's business has now become her means of income, helping her to raise her seven children and to build houses. These serve her as a means of additional income.
Today, she serves three different dishes: beyaynetu, an assortment of various sauces; key wot, a spicy meat sauce and pasta. These cost 12 Br, 16 Br and 13 Br, respectively, dramatically cheaper than in regular restaurants.
Occupied by five wooden tables with seven benches, this mother bet includes chairs built on the veranda of the house, which is covered by a cartoon. In front of the veranda there is a tent like structure that also hosts customers.
"My customers range from daily labourers to bank workers and famous artists, since my place is located around the National Theatre," she claimed. "My door remains open from Monday up to Saturday, 11am to 3pm. Anyone who can be here at these times, can get the service."
Most of the mother bets that Fortune visited, around Mexico, Kazanchis, Sidist Kilo and Stadium, are easily distinguished from common restaurants. In addition to sitting in someone's living room, the atmosphere itself feels like home.
However, there is no room for privacy. Customers like Binyam have to share a bench or a table with total strangers. Seats can range from sofas and stools to kursi and medeb, which are built along the wall of the house using mud and stone.
Since most are located inside residential neighbourhoods, getting to a mother bet usually requires walking along alleyways for a few minutes, away from the city's main roads.
A major distinction from formal restaurants is that mother bets do not have billboards advertising their services.
According to many of the owners, although they use the same cooking inputs as the formal restaurants, they can charge half the price of the latter for two reasons. Firstly, their business is located within their residences, so they are free from high rental costs. Secondly, almost all the work is done by family members, with perhaps a maid hired for additional help.
"The role of these mother bets is significant, especially in economies like ours characterised by inflation and a decline in the purchasing power of individuals. Their price discount also helps them to have a lot of customers and keep their prices relatively cheap," Robel Tefaredegn, marketing lecturer at Unity University, told Fortune.
A sharp deterioration in the food purchasing power of wages was observed from mid-2007 to mid-2008, when food prices first spiked, and again in mid-2011, states the research, entitled - "Urban Wage Behavior and Food Price Inflation: The Case of Ethiopia," published in June 2012. Due to this price spike, the food purchasing power of residents in urban areas declined by 20pc.
Although the period of significant decline in purchasing power lasted less than a year (around five months in 2008), the rapid deterioration in urban welfare was significant, according to the research.
The research also found out that the 2010/11 food crisis had larger welfare impacts than the 2008 crisis because of more rapid non-food related inflation.
For Binyam, and other residents of Addis Abeba whose purchasing power has declined rapidly, the only option available at the moment is to be dependent on the informal restaurants scattered all over the city.
"If these home restaurants disappear, I do not know where I will go for lunch. All restaurants in the area are very expensive," Binyam states.
However, this business, which relies on word-of-mouth publicity from happy customers, in order to get their clientele, is slowly changing.
The area where Tiruwork's business is located was famous for its mother bets some four years ago, but due to Addis Abeba's redevelopment programme, many of them have been demolished. Tiruwork's business is now likely going to face the same fate. She was told to leave her place within two months.
An owner of a mother bet in La Gare, close to Ras Mekonnen Street, also told Fortune that she decided to gradually upgrade to a more formal restaurant. This was due to the Addis Abeba Trade & Industry Bureau's warning that it would shut her business down, as a result of the lack of a business licence. Additionally, it does not follow the city's health and sanitation standards.
The owner, who chose to remain anonymous, has now added a cash register, soft drinks and expanded her menu to about 15 dishes. She has also raised her prices to reflect her more 'upscale' eatery.
Another mother bet close to Mozambique Street, has also upgraded services, and has even started serving draught beer.
The Bureau requires cash register machines to be used and for residential areas to be clearly separated from the kitchen said the owner.
"We frequently check upon these businesses, but if they are not registered in our office we cannot control them unless they cause harm. If a business has a cash register machine and a logo it means that it has a trade license and since all license giving passes through our office we will assess their activity," Yetayhe Tadesse, representative for Environmental Health Protection in Addis Abeba's Food Medicines & Health Care Administration, told Fortune.
"The price discount of mother bets helps them to attract a lot of customers and keep their prices relatively cheap. If these businesses were not available, the illegal food market might expand," Robel, told Fortune.
After some time, Tiruwork hopes to move to the Summit area to continue running her business, since her neighbourhood will be demolished for redevelopment. Binyam on the other hand, hopes to find other place like Tiruwork's close to his workplace, in order to cope with the rising price of food.
HRLHA Statement
August 2013
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa strongly condemns the atrocious torture and inhuman treatment by the Ethiopian government against its citizens, and holds it accountable for the death of a political prisoner and prisoner of conscience Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda on August 24, 2013 in Kaliti prison.
Gadaa.com
HRLHA informants confirmed that Engineer Chemeda died in Kaliti Penitentiary due to the severe torture inflicted on him while he was in different detentions centers from 2007 until the day he died. We also protest the fact that he was denied medical treatment by the government.
Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda, an Oromo national, was handed over by Kenyan authorities to Ethiopian Security agents in April 2007 from where he had granted a refugee status from UNHCR in Kenya after he had fled to Kenya to escape persecution by the EPRDF government of Ethiopia.
Engineer Tasfahun Chemeda was one of the 15 Oromo nationals who was sentenced to life in prison in 2010 by the Ethiopian court (http://gadaa.com/oduu/3307/2010/04/11/ethiopia-hrlha-calls-for-reversal-of-the-racially-and-politically-motivated-sentences/) for his activism and political beliefs that were different from the ruling EPRDF government of Ethiopia.
The Ethiopian Government is accountable for:
1. Torturing Mr. Chemeda in prison, thereby violating the 1984 Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, an agreement which Ethiopia signed and ratified in 1994.
2. For denying Engineer Tesfahun medical treatment, violating the rights of prisoners – which are clearly stated in international laws and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 10(1): “All persons deprived of their liberty shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person.” and the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, the Rights of Persons Held in Custody and Convicted Prisoners, Article 21 (1): “All persons held in custody and persons imprisoned upon conviction and sentencing have the right to treatments respecting their human dignity.”
By handing over the Oromo refugees and others, the Kenyan Government is also breaching its obligations under international treaties as well as customary laws.
1. Under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1465 U.N.T.S. 185), the Kenyan Government has the obligation not to return a person to a place where they will face torture or ill-treatment.
2. Article 3 of the Convention against Torture provides: No state party shall expel, return (“refouler”) or extradite a person to another state where there are substantial grounds to believe that they would be in danger of being subjected to torture.
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa calls upon the Ethiopian authorities to immediately carry out an independent investigation into Engineer Tesfahun’s death, including whether torture played a part in his death, and disclose to the public anyone found responsible and bring that person to justice. The HRLHA also calls upon the Western political allies of the TPLF/EPRDF Government of Ethiopia to exert pressures so that it is forced to turn around, and start working on the genuine democratization of the country, halting the systematic elimination of citizens who demand basic rights and fundamental freedoms.
Finally we extend our condolences to Tesfahun’s family and friends in their time of grief as well as all Ethiopians who have been falsely accused, illegally detained or wrongly killed, at the hands of the brutal and hypocritical regime. Engineer Tesfahun is just one of thousands of victims of the EPRDF government’s campaign of violence, repression and efforts to curtail basic freedoms and fundamental rights of Ethiopians at all costs.
HRLHA

Monday, August 26, 2013

ALEMAYEHU G MARIAM
For the past several months, I have been commenting on the findings of the World Bank’s “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia”, a 448-page report covering eight sectors (health, education, rural water supply, justice, construction, land, telecommunications and mining). In this my sixth commentary, I focus on “corruption in the justice sector”. The other five commentaries are available at my blog site.   
Talking about corruption in the Ethiopian “justice sector” is like talking about truth in Orwell’s 1984 Ministry of Truth (“Minitrue”).  The purpose of Minitrue is to create and maintain the illusion that the Party is absolute, all knowing, all-powerful and infallible. The purpose of the Ministry of Justice in Ethiopia is to create the illusion that the ruling regime under the command and control of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) masquerading as the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Front (EPDRF) is absolute, all knowing, all-powerful and infallible. 
I have long caricatured the “justice sector” of the TPLF/EPDRF as a kangaroo justice system founded on a sham, corrupt and whimsical legal process. What passes off as a “justice system” in Ethiopia is little more than a marketplace where “justice” is bought and sold in a monopoly controlled by one man supported by a few nameless, faceless and clueless men who skulk in the shadows of power. It is a justice system in which universal principles of law and justice are disregarded, subverted, perverted and mocked. It is a system where the poor, the marginalized, the audacious journalists, dissidents, opposition and civic society leaders are legally lynched despite the criticism and bootless cries of the international community. It is a system in which regime leaders, their families, friends and cronies are above the law and spell justice “JUST US”.
My first critique of the TPLF/EPDRF “justice system” appeared in 2006 when I wrote a 32-page analysis titled, “Keystone Cops, Prosecutors and Judges in a Police State.” It was written in the first year of what has become my long day’s journey into the dark night of advocacy against human rights violations in Ethiopia and Africa. The piece was intended to be a critical analysis of the trial of the so-called Kality defendants consisting of some 130 or so major opposition leaders, human rights advocates, civic society activists, journalists and others in the aftermath of the 2005 election. I tried to demonstrate that the show trial of those defendants was little more than a third-rate theatrical production staged to dupe the international community. I also tried to show how a dysfunctional and bankrupt judicial system was used to destroy political opposition and dissent. I described the “judicial proceedings” of the Kality defendants as “an elaborate hoax, a make-believe tribunal complete with hand-picked judges, trumped up charges, witless prosecutors, no procedures and predetermined outcomes set up to produce only one thing: a  monumental miscarriage of justice.”
A glossy “diagnosis” of corruption in the Ethiopian justice sector
The WB’s “diagnosis” of corruption in “Ethiopia’s justice sector” is based on “interviews of 60 individuals” including “federal judges and prosecutors”, police, private attorneys, etc. in the capital and at another location. No ordinary citizens were included in the interview panel or the smaller focus groups. The study is intended to “explore the incidence of corruption in Ethiopia’s justice sector (including not only the courts but also several other organizations).” The “justice sector” includes, among others, “courts, police, prosecutors, administrative agencies with quasi-judicial powers, and public and private attorneys, prisons, and those in the executive and legislative branches responsible for enacting the laws and regulations governing their operations”.
The report begins with unusual disclaimers and apologia. The author proclaims that “this report begins from an agnostic standpoint—attempting only to document reality in Ethiopia’s justice sector and to compare it… with the situation elsewhere in African and other countries…” It is not clear what she means by “an agnostic standpoint”, but her analysis is frontloaded with servilely apologetic language manifestly intended not to offend or appear to point an accusatory finger at the ruling regime in Ethiopia. The report appears to have been written with some trepidation; perhaps the author was afraid of a backlash (tongue-lash) from the regime. The author timorously tiptoes around well-established and notorious facts about corruption in the regime’s justice sector. In light of the many disclaimers, reservations and contingencies in the report, it is obvious that the author does not want to call a spade a spade, so she calls the spade a bucket. But corruption by any disclaimer is still corruption; and Ethiopia’s justice sectors reeks of corruption.  
The author claims an examination of  “corruption in the justice sector is important because it undermines the peaceful resolution of conflicts, the control of corruption in other sectors, the strengthening of the normative framework underlying private and public actions (the rule of law), and the creation of a predictable environment for public and private transactions.” According to the study, corruption in the Ethiopian justice sector “takes one of two forms: (a) political interference with the independent actions of courts or other sector agencies, or (b) payment or solicitation of bribes or other considerations to alter a decision or action.” The study claims the “most common form of corruption involves bribes solicited by or offered to police to ignore a criminal offense, not make an arrest, or not bring witnesses or suspects to court (which can cause a provisional adjournment of the case). Traffic police are the worst offenders.” Another “common form of corruption” involves “payment of court staff to misplace case files or evidence” (a practice that has nearly disappeared because of new judicial policies on archive management introduced under a Canadian International Development Agency program”. 
The author provides a catalogue of corrupt practices which she claims are disputed by various respondents in her study but include “(a) sales of judgments or other judicial actions in civil disputes; (b) lawyers’ solicitation of “bribes” that never reached the bench; (c) prosecutors’ misuse of their own powers, in response to bribes or political directives, to advance or paralyze a case; and (d) the corrupt actions of various officials entrusted with enforcement of judgments, especially in civil cases.” She attributes the divergence in viewpoints to a “likely gap between perceptions and reality [which] are partly a function of the persistent lack of transparency in personnel policies.”
What is remarkable about the WB “justice sector” study is the fact that the author, by focusing on the “most common form of corruption” (i.e. petty police, particularly traffic police, corruption), fails to critically probe grand corruption involving party officials and regime leaders and their cronies who routinely subvert the justice system through political interference and pressure to protect their political and economic interests. She circumvents serious inquiry into grand corruption in the “justice sector” by providing catalogues of “potential forms of criminal and civil corruption” and “corruption risks”. She appears averse to investigating high-level corruption that occurs in the process of judicial appointment of handpicked party loyalists and hacks, laws written to aid certain elites in society, or in the debasement and corruption of the integrity and independence of the judiciary. She ignores the type of justice corruption that occurs in “state capture” where economic elites develop cozy relationships with political and judicial officials through whom they obtain favorable judicial decisions to advance their own advantage. For instance, on the issue of political interference in the judicial process, the author demonstrates her “agnosticism” by reporting that “the one who came closest eventually admitted that ‘there was some [political interference], but it was very rare.’” Other responses ranged from ‘a moderate amount’ (limited to the bad apples) to the extreme of holding that ‘every civil judgment is sold.’”
Curiously, the author points an accusatory finger at petty corruption as the “most common form of corruption” distracting attention from the systemic and structural corruption in the justice sector. The importance of petty corruption must not be understated because of the serious impact it has on the lives and livelihoods of ordinary citizens interacting with police, prosecutorial and other petty judicial officials. There is ample anecdotal evidence of petty corruption in which ordinary Ethiopian citizens and businesspersons are “shaken down” by traffic cops or minor functionaries in the judicial or state bureaucracy seeking small bribes. However, though petty corruption may be easier to detect, the real focus should be on grand corruption which is systemic, structural and difficult to detect and nearly impossible to punish. Structural and systemic corruption in the legal institutions, rules, and norms and those who are practitioners in the system create, maintain and sustain a culture of corruption in the justice sector, which the author appears to overlook.
Justice corruption is primarily a systemic failure of judicial institutions, lack of political will and capacity to manage judicial resources, maintain integrity of institutions. The author makes abstract references to the usual catalogue of corruption variables but does not seek to gather data to illuminate the scope, breadth and gravity of the problem of political interference and lack of accountability in the justice system. Grand corruption in the justice sector stems from the fact that political officials have wide authority over judicial officials (from appointment to management of judicial functions); and political officials have little accountability and incentive to maintain the integrity of the justice sector. There are few functional formal systems of control in the relationship between the judicial and political processes in Ethiopia. If there ever were control systems, they have been broken for a long time making it nearly impossible to administer fairly the laws while maintaining accountability in the form of a robust reporting system and transparency in the form of robust management practices. Such institutional decay has promoted the growth of a culture of corruption in the justice sector and continues to undermine not only the broad adjudicatory role of justice sector institutions but also public confidence in the integrity of the justice system itself.
Justice sector in a police state?
Justice in a dictatorship is to justice as military music is to music. No reasonable person would consider martial law (military rule) to produce justice.  By definition dictatorship — a form of government in which absolute power is concentrated in the hands of a dictator or a small clique — is the quintessential definition of injustice. Any form of government that operates in flagrant disregard of the rule of law is inherently corrupt.
I have on previous occasions tried to expose such corruption in Ethiopia’s “justice sector” with anecdotal evidence of arbitrary administration of justice or denial of fair trial to those accused of  “terrorism”, “treason” and even “corruption”, opposition leaders, human rights advocates, journalists, etc. In the kinder and gentler police state that Ethiopia has become, any petty “law enforcement” official of the regime has the power to arrest and jail an innocent citizen. As I argued in my February 2012 commentary, “The Prototype African Police State”, a local police chief in Addis Ababa felt so arrogantly secure in his arbitrary powers that he threatened to arrest a Voice of America reporter stationed in Washington, D.C. simply because that reporter asked him for his full name during a telephone interview.  “I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!”, barked the impudent police chief Zemedkun. If a flaky policeman can exercise such absolute power, is it unreasonable to imagine those at the apex of power have the power to do anything they want with impunity. The regime in Ethiopia is the petri dish of corruption and living proof  that power corrupts and an absolute power corrupts absolutely.
In my view, denial of due process (fair trial) is the highest form of corruption imaginable in the “justice sector” because it results in the arbitrary deprivation of a person’s life, liberty and property. Could anyone (other than those politically connected) really expect to get a fair trial in the regime’s kangaroo courts or fair treatment in the pre-trial process?  
The systemic corruption in the “justice sector” is that the law of the land is ignored, disregarded and perverted at the whim and fancy of those in power. For instance, the presumption of innocence (Eth. Const. Art. 20(3)) is openly flouted. The late leader of the regime used to routinely and publicly talk about the guilt of opposition leaders, journalists and others standing trial without so much of an awareness of the suspects’ right to a presumption of innocence or appreciation of the risk of prejudicial pretrial publicity emanating from such inflammatory statements which are prohibited under the Constitution and other international human rights regimes (e.g. Article 11 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 14(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and Article 7(b) of the  African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR)). In 2011, the late leader of the regime proclaimed the guilt of freelance Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye on charges of “terrorism” while they were being tried and he was visiting Norway. He emphatically declared the duo “are, at the very least, messenger boys of a terrorist organization. They are not journalists.” Persson and Schibbye were “convicted” and sentenced to long prison terms.    
Show trials by publicity and demonization are another hallmark of the regime’s justice system. Following the 2005 election, the late leader of the regime publicly declared that “The CUD (Kinijit) opposition leaders are engaged in insurrection — that is an act of treason under Ethiopian law. They will be charged and they will appear in court.” They were charged, appeared in “court” and were convicted. In December 2008, the late leader railroaded Birtukan Midekssa, the first female political party leader in Ethiopian history, without so much as a hearing let alone a trial. He sent her straight from the street into solitary confinement and later declared: “There will never be an agreement with anybody to release Birtukan. Ever. Full stop. That’s a dead issue.” In making this statement, the late leader proclaimed to the world that he is the law and the ultimate source of justice in Ethiopia. His words trump the country’s Constitution! 
In 2009, one of the top leaders of the regime labeled 40 defendants awaiting trial as “desperadoes” who planned to “assassinate high ranking government officials and destroying telecommunication services and electricity utilities and create conducive conditions for large scale chaos and havoc.” They were all “convicted” and given long prison sentences.
Violations of the constitutional rights of those accused of crimes by the regime are rampant. Article 20 (2) provides, “Any person in custody or a convicted prisoner shall have the right to communicate with and be visited by spouse(s), close relatives and friends, medical attendants, religious and legal counselors.” Internationally celebrated Ethiopian journalists including Reeyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye and many others were denied access to legal counsel for months. Ethiopian Muslim activists who demanded an end to religious interference were jailed on “terrorism” charges were also denied access to counsel.  They were mistreated and abused in pretrial detention. Scores of journalists, opposition members and activists arrested and prosecuted (persecuted) under the so-called anti-terrorism proclamation were also denied counsel and speedy trials and have languished in prison for long periods. Suspects are interrogated without the presence of counsel and coerced confessions extracted. Yet, Article 19 (5) provides, “Everyone shall have the right not to be forced to make any confessions or admissions of any evidence that may be brought against him during the trial.”
Article 19 (1) provides, “Anyone arrested on criminal charges shall have the right to be informed promptly and in detail… the nature and cause of the charge against him… Article 20 (2) provides, “Everyone charged with an offence shall be adequately informed in writing of the charges brought against him. Recently, the regime arrested members of its officialdom and their cronies on suspicion of corruption and kept the suspects in detention for months without informing them “promptly and in detail the charges against them”. Although the regime’s “top anti-corruption official” claimed that the corruption “suspects have been under surveillance for two years”, on their first court appearance, the prosecutors requested a 14-day continuance to gather more evidence! There is no judicial system in the world where suspects are arrested of committing crimes after being investigated for 2 years and then the prosecution asks for endless continuances to gather additional evidence.  
Injustice impersonating justice
The 2012  U.S. State Department Human Rights report concluded, “The law provides for an independent judiciary. Although the civil courts operated with a large degree of independence, the criminal courts remained weak, overburdened, and subject to political influence.”  The WB could have done a much better job of “diagnosing corruption” in Ethiopia’s “justice sector”. Candidly speaking, any deficiency in the report should not reflect exclusively on the World Bank or its consultants but on Ethiopians, particularly the Ethiopian intelligentsia, who do not seem find it worth their time or effort to read, challenge and supplement such reports. It seems few, very few, Ethiopian scholars and analysts take the time and effort to locate, study and critically analyze such important studies done by international institutions and other private research institutions.   
I doubt the WB justice sector study will be of much value to policy makers, scholars or the casual reader. Having said that, the burden is on Ethiopian scholars in Ethiopia and abroad to work collaboratively and carefully document corruption in Ethiopia’s justice and other sectors. No study of Ethiopia’s justice sector is worthy of the title if it does not rigorously evaluate the factors that are at the core of corruption in the “justice sector” – absence of the rule of law, lack of independence of the judiciary,  absence of due process, lack of impartiality and neutrality in the judicial process, the culture of corruption and impunity and the lack of accountability, transparency and confidence in the legal system. Such a study is the principal responsibility of Ethiopians, not the World Bank or its consultants. On the other hand, when the sword of justice is beaten into a sledgehammer of injustice, it is the supreme duty of ordinary citizens to expose it!
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.  
Previous commentaries by the author are available at:
Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at: